Canton Weekly Register

From the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser

The Campaign in New York.

We are now far enough along in the progress of the Campaign, to judge its tendencies. And first of these, we may assume that the committee to which the Union Convention confided the task of nominating a Bell and Everett ticket, will not discharge its duties. It is safe to assume that Gov. Hunt speaks the sentiment and purpose of that committee, in his Lockport and Albany speeches. In the latter he eulogizes Judge Douglas, and then—we quote from the report:

“Reviewing the condition of the House of Representatives, arguing that Bell will have a great chance of success there. Now, there, could the Bell men produce the greatest amount of good? By carrying the election to Congress. In relation to the four candidates, he said that Breckinridge was purely a Southern candidate, and that his defeat was certain. Lincoln was objectionable as the Northern sectional candidate. While differing decidedly from the supporters of Douglas, in some of them it is but just to say they now occupy intermediate ground between the extreme sectional factionists and agitators. In a comparative point of view, their position is safe and conservative; and he believed they were actuated by a desire to restore national harmony."

There is only one interpretation to be put upon this quotation. Gov. Hunt means to support Douglas directly, or, as he says later in his speech, "test the question in a straight vote." Conservatives, therefore, are forewarned that Bell and Everett are mere bone of straw in this State, to be talked about, but not voted for.

Now how will this thing work? It is odorous of bargain and sale. It is one of those selling out operations of which the main difficulty lies in the delivery of the goods. The vote of New York, taking the last election as a basis of calculation, was for Story, Republican, 250,880; for Vanderbilt, Democrat, 224,755. Neither of these gentlemen were on the American half and-half ticket; and their vote shows that the Republican side numbers the Democratic party by 24,125 votes. The balance of power therefore lies in the 50,000 American votes. Suppose they go all Democratic, that party will have a majority of about 25,000; all Republican that party will have 75,000 majority; or if they divide about equally, the Republican majority will remain stationary, subject to the increase it may receive from the reserve rural vote which has not been fully out since 1856 and numbers some 50,000. This alone, if brought out as it should be, is enough to make triumph certain over any coalition; but leaving it out of account and coming down to the safe basis of 1859, let us endeavor to get at some idea of how the 50,000 Americans are going to vote.

Besides the prominent leaders, James O. Putnam, Shepherd Knapp, Daniel Ullman, and others, including some members of the National Union State Committee, we notice that Hon. G. Denniston, of Steuben, former Vice President of the American State Council, and one of the most influential members of that party, has just declared for Lincoln in a public speech. The Troy Whig, one of the truest of conservative organs, and firm in the support of Bell and Everett, is emphatic against a sale to Douglas. It says:

As for a mongrel electoral ticket—half Douglas and half Bell—or a third Douglas, a third Bell, and a third Breckinridge—we have only to say, that we have no idea, in the first place, that such a ticket could succeed: in the second place, that we believe the Democrats will make no such arrangement; and in the third place, that if any one feels particularly desirous of voting for Douglas or Breckinridge electors, the opportunity will be presented, and that there will be just as much principle—if not a great deal more—in voting a Democratic electoral ticket entire as in part; and the end aimed at will be more surely attained by the former course. We cannot advocate the formation of such a ticket, nor support it if made.

We think it safe to predict that except the New York Express, Mohawk Valley American, and perhaps one other, the whole Bell and Everett Press of the State will take the same ground, and hardly a tithe of the American vote will be cast for Douglas.

Within a day or two past we have learned that one of the most prominent members of the State National Union Committee, a man whose consent is almost essential to the success of the proposed transfer, declares that he will beat the bargain if he can, and if not will vote and work for Lincoln. He is a Bell man, and no contingency can compel him to vote for Douglas.

As the scheme of transfer, develops itself it will meet with the natural consequences of such bargains. Men will refuse to be sold.