Richmond Enquirer

Public men of the day they have thought alike, and side by side have they battled for those principles, which have been pronounced by a large majority of the American people to be sound, salutary, and correct. Judge White has been an efficient, sincere, and independent, though not as sycophantic, supporter of the most important measures of Gen. Jackson's Administration, and no man would, we are convinced, carry out those measures with more ability, firmness, and discretion. How then can General Jackson prefer Martin Van Buren to Hugh L. White? WE WILL NOT FOR AN INSTANT BELIEVE THAT HE WILL DESCEND FROM 'HIS HIGH ESTATE,' TO TAKE AN ACTIVE PART IN THE ENSUING ELECTION, OR CONSENT TO LEND AN IMPROPER AND UNREPUBLICAN INFLUENCE IN THE APPOINTMENT OF HIS SUCCESSOR: but we speak now of his private and personal feelings, of which, as a man, he cannot entirely rid himself, and we ask again, how can he prefer Martin Van Buren to Hugh L. White? Besides all these considerations, nineteen-twentieths of the people of Tennessee, we are convinced, are in favor of Hugh L. White; and we cannot believe that General Jackson will separate himself from his long-tried, his faithful, and his sincere friends, where no principle is at stake, and every reason exists that they should think alike. The opinion and wishes of General Jackson would have great weight with the people of Tennessee, on any subject, and one of the many causes which will induce them to support Judge White is, that he has been a consistent and straightforward supporter of the Administration of him, whom they 'have delighted to honor.' We trust then that they will still be found together. If, however, we are mistaken, we are certain of one thing that such as the people of Tennessee love General Jackson—much as they venerate his name—they will never surrender, even at his dictation, that glorious prize, for which he and they so bravely contended at the battle of New Orleans—THEIR INDEPENDENCE.—Nashville Republican.

Richmond, Tuesday, March 31.

MOVEMENTS OF THE WHIGS.

The only Elections which take place during the present week, are those in King George, Nottoway, and Sussex, on Thursday next. Next week, the guns will fire in rapid succession—until the end of April. If our friends will only do their duty, we shall carry the day. We are aware, that the Whigs are bragging high—and are claiming three of our double counties, Albemarle, Mecklenburg, and Buckingham. But, from the accounts we have published in our last, we consider the two first as absolutely safe—and the public will judge from the letter, in to-day's paper, how certain our intelligent Correspondent considers Old Buckingham to be. We know, that the Whigs are much alarmed about the fate of several counties, that they carried the last Spring. In every debatable field, we are making battle—and a fine spirit actuates the Republican party. We are much deceived, if they do not carry the State, by a triumphant majority. The only hope of the Whigs is in our divisions. Hence they are running a White horse, with a view of turning the attention of the People from the true issue at stake, and of dividing our ranks. The Manoeuvre may gall us here and there—but it is believed, the firmness of the Republican Party will defeat a manoeuvre, which throws into the shade every thing that is said of the N. York Tactics. They have even improved upon their trick. They are now crying out, that this and that Jackson Delegate has pledged himself to go for White—and accordingly, if he should be elected, he will be claimed as a White Whig! This is all a miserable invention of the enemy. Some of the very candidates who, it is now pretended, have come out unqualifiedly for Judge White, were Delegates in the last Assembly—They attended the Caucus—They were present when the freest interchange took place upon the next Presidential Election—and they came unanimously to this sentiment, that however they might prefer A or B, they would adhere together; waive any personal preference they might have for any individual, and go for the candidate of the Republican Party. In hoc signo vinces! They will conquer the Whigs under this flag; and we have no sort of question, that they will ultimately adhere to it. Some few of the candidates may have said, that they would prefer White to Van Buren—and that they would go for him against the latter. But we have as little doubt, that they proceeded to say, they would go for the candidate of the great Republican Party; that they would not lend themselves to the Whigs for the purposes of division—and still more, when the game of these very Whigs is to run two candidates where each is the strongest, to split up the votes, and carry the final election into the House of Representatives. But the Whig organs choose to suppress all these qualifying declarations of the Republican Candidates—and represent them as more likely, in the last result, to throw themselves into the arms of the Whigs. They are using every artifice now to divide us, and to raise up candidates among ourselves, like mushrooms, to subserve the interests of their own party. The trick will not do. But the People and their Delegates will adhere to their Republican Banner, and take up finally that candidate who will receive the votes of the Republicans, and will carry out the great principles of their Party. A Correspondent has favored us with the following views of this subject—which are entitled to great consideration:

COMMUNICATED.

The Whigs are flattering themselves that they will divert many of the friends of the Administration from the Republican ranks, by running Jackson-White-men for the Assembly. But let them remember that though some of the friends of the President may honestly prefer Judge White to any other man; yet they prefer Democratic Republican principles even to him; and if he cannot be elected by the Republicans, they will not become Whigs for his sake. How is it with the Whigs themselves? Do any of them honestly prefer Judge White to any other man? or are they driven into his arms, first, from hatred to another; secondly, with a hope that they can convert the Judge's friends into Whiggery; and, thirdly, that, if in this way, they should be able to elect him, they may even convert the Judge to Whiggery? Does any man in his senses believe, that a Whig Caucus of the Legislature next winter will nominate a ticket favorable to Judge White? He that believes this, must believe that all the foul accusations made against the principles of the Administration, which principles have been supported by the Judge, were not only false, but that the Whigs know their accusations to be so. Not only so, but the Whigs would give evidence, strong as proof of Holy Writ, that they have not only been false to the People, but that THEY ARE FALSE TO THEMSELVES: that they are actuated by no principle, but ambition for power, and love for the spoils. Let the friends of the Administration, who honestly prefer Judge White, take care that they are not seduced into the wily snares of Whiggery—that they elect Members of Assembly, and of Congress, who will adhere to the Republican party throughout—that personal affections or hatred for one man, or another, shall not drive them from party to party, and from principle to principle, until they have travelled through all the mazes of Whiggery, to the end neither knowing who is to be 'THE WHIG CANDIDATE'—what are to be his principles—nor how long the Whigs will support him? It is perfectly consistent for the Republicans, who act honestly and candidly with their fellow-men, to differ in opinion about men; but they must, and will in due time, settle their differences, and preserve their principles and party. Let the Whigs go and do likewise. All we can desire, is, to adhere to our principles and the integrity of our Party. Let the tricks and the manoeuvres of the Whigs meet their merit, or demerit, according to the judgment of an enlightened and consistent public: A public, which will not be dictated to, and turned with, every puff of Whiggery, like a weather-cock.

NOMINATIONS,

Nansemond.—John B. Benton was nominated by a meeting of the Whig Party on the 20th, as the Whig candidate. We presume from this circumstance, that Col. Webb has declined a poll. The Republicans have nominated Major Hugh Kelly. We trust they will do their duty

Norfolk County.—Dr. Collins has been pressed to become a candidate; but he adheres to his determination, upon the ground, that 'Since my return home, several gentlemen have requested me again to become a candidate;—to all making the request, I have stated that it was not my wish to be a candidate; that since I had declined, several gentlemen had been announced as candidates, and justice to them, would not permit me to comply with the request of my friends, unless they would have an understanding or make such arrangements with the gentlemen announced as would be satisfactory to them.'—Capt. Watts and Mr. Murdaugh are Whig Candidates and Mr. Mordecai Cook, a Republican, will be run.

Norfolk Borough—Messrs. W. E. Cunningham (the late Delegate) and Jos. T. Allyn are spoken of as the Whig candidates.

Bedford Robert Campbell and Edmund Pate, were announced at the last Court—both Whigs—Thos. Preston is run by the friends of the Administration

Frederich.—Messrs. John Hopkins and John S. Davison, the Republican candidates, have accepted their nominations—Maj Gibson has declined—and Col. John B. Earle and Mr. E. W. Robinson, are announced as candidates. Col. John B. D. Smith, the Whig candidate, runs on his own hook.

Culpeper—Mr. Ambrose P. Hill, (Republican,) and Edmund Brondus (the late Whig Delegate) are in the field. Mr. John N. Patton is a candidate for the Congressional District, without opposition.

Halifax—The candidates are Thomas G. Coleman John B. Carrington, (Republican)—and Gen. Edward C. Carrington, (Whig) The former will beat with ease.

Campbell—The Lynchburg Democrat says, that 'The most cheering news continues to pour in from all quarters—the cause is prosperous beyond a parallel—we have every assurance that the Administration candidates in this county (Messrs. Clay and Daniel,) will be elected this spring—a glorious revolution has taken place—the people are themselves—the game is up; the alarm is over.'

FROM THE COUNTRY.—(Editorial Correspondence)

PATRICK COUNTY.

'March 7.—The Administration has gained ground since the last election, and is still gaining a confidence among the people, which all the ingenuity, cunning and eloquence of the self-styled modern Whigs cannot shake. I regret very much the course which our delegate pursued in the Legislature in all the most interesting questions, which were brought before the House for its adoption, especially the appointment of Speaker, Printer, Senator, &c.—So far as I am able to judge of his course, he has certainly deserted the principles upon which a great many of his constituents voted for him—and should he be a candidate again, he will find that the honest principles of his countrymen are not thus to be trifled with.'

BUCKINGHAM COUNTY.

Wednesday, March 25, 1835.

TO THE EDITORS OF THE ENQUIRER.

Our mail returns on Thursday next, and gives me the first opportunity of writing you. The Candidates for Buckingham county, met at New Canton on Saturday last. The sovereign people were alive to their rights; and before them was placed in its true colors, the iniquity of Faction Whiggery,—from the Senate, composed of Clay, Calhoun, and the 'blessed' Webster, of Hartford Convention memory—whom the Whigs of the North are now running for the Presidency.—down to the little insects that are fluttering for a day in the majesty of their might. It was a glorious day. There was a large majority of the People for the true Democratic Republican Party—as there is in the lower end, also in the upper, and on each broadside of the county. We expect to beat them from 100 to 150, although they are bragging high for effect. Their whole object appears to be, to brag high and tell fibs—and you may rely on it, enough of it is done. Their cause is every day weakening in this county—although, almost without a parallel, a certain number of votes have been made for their own precious benefit. A few on our side. The report of changes has been made almost every day. They have rode the French War'—and other misrepresentations, the vilest of the vile, and the foulest of the foul.—They have even gone so far as to say, that Mr. Van Buren was inimical to Southern interests, and wished to set the Negroes free. This I call infamous fabrication and misrepresentation. The foundation of the charge, rather, the no foundation for the charge, rests on his voting for Rufus King as Senator of the U. States; when he avowedly did this on account of the aid and assistance of that great Statesman, during the War, to the great Republican Party of this country. And Mr. Van Buren was no more responsible for his acts and deeds, after he was elected Senator, than were the people of Buckingham, for the acts and deeds of those that misrepresented them in the Legislature, Winter twelve months past—not one whit more; for, it was proven that they had been misrepresented, by the vote of the April following. And the people will tell them so this Spring also. This is written principally to guard against the misrepresentations of the Whig press—for, the party cannot progress one inch but by misrepresentation, no more than a snail overtaken by frost. That is their vocation. Yes, their vocation—that and their deceptious use of Judge White. But the war still wages, and will now be carried into the enemy's country, where almost the whole winter they have made their greatest efforts, and with the least opposition by the Democrats; but, they will be mistaken, greatly mistaken—it will and must be fought face to face. As the county is excessively large please to say, the candidates will meet On Monday 6th, at Bayly meeting-house; Tuesday 7th, at Bent Creek; Wednesday 8th, at Oakville; Thursday 9th, at Flood's; Friday 10th, and Saturday 11th, Buckingham Superior Court. At these respective places, the People are requested to convene in defence of their rights, against the faction Whiggery.

A DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN.

*Gen. Jackson has not said, war—and never will, until it is necessary. It was made his high duty by the Constitution, to recommend such discretionary measures as he thought necessary.

BOTETOURT.

A letter from an intelligent gentleman of Botetourt, of the 26th inst., says: 'I have very little doubt of Craig's election.'

BEDFORD.

A gentleman writes from Bedford, and says: 'I would not be surprised, if Stuart should beat Claiborne, in this district.'

DIVIDE AND GOVERN!

The tactics of the Whigs consist in our division.—They will run on Judge White in Virginia, so long as he serves their purposes.—They will run another Whig to the North—and thus attempt to throw the election into the House. In vain does Mr John T. Brown try to persuade us,(that White and Van Buren are the only probable candidates. All the signs in the North contradict his statement. Mr. Webster is there held up as the great Whig candidate. Gen. Duff Green says that Mr. Webster will be the only Whig candidate in the field—of course, that he will be a candidate. 'A Whig,' in the Baltimore Patriot, presses this point: 'Gen. Green says, that as Mr. Webster is already in the field, Mr. Clay will not, probably, be a candidate. The Whigs then will have but a single candidate, and why not unite upon him? Why give him up for a Jackson man, whose uncalled-for praises of his chief are yet warm upon his lips, and who, with the most unaffected concern asks, what more for his country could a President do, than Gen. Jackson has done? But, after announcing his belief that Mr. Webster will be the only Whig candidate in the field, General Green says—'We leave Mr. Webster and Mr. Van Buren to their schemes of a 'Northern Confederacy,' while we look to the South and Great West.' Here is a hint which requires explanation. Does General Green intend to say that Mr. Webster and Mr. Van Buren, or their friends, have a scheme of a 'Northern Confederacy,' or any other kind of a confederacy in view? The poles are not more opposite than Mr. Webster and Mr. Van Buren, or the parties in the North, with which they are respectively identified. No, no; there will be no 'Northern Confederacy' formed of such materials. However much our Whig friends in the South may desire to make the question of the Presidency a geographical one, they will not find the enlightened Whigs in the North acting with the same motives.' An article in the last Boston Gazette thus dwells upon the pretensions of Mr. Webster: 'Mr. Webster has been presented by Massachusetts. The merits of this great man are highly appreciated by all who know him—and where is the American Citizen who does not know Daniel Webster?—and proud are we to say, that the nomination of this illustrious Statesman has been received with great favor by a very large proportion of the whole American people. Go where you will, and associate with whom you may, you will hear Mr. Webster spoken of in terms of enthusiastic admiration; and even the violence of party spirit and party crimination refuses to assail him, but on the contrary is ready to do justice to his exalted merits and worth. A nobler Statesman has never flourished, and if the friends of the Constitution and the Rights of Man, will but do their duty, the success of Mr. Webster need not be considered problematical. Let his friends be firm and decided, manly and unyielding, and their hopes may be crowned with triumph and glory. Will not every New Englander give his support to Daniel Webster?—Who will prove recreant to his duty?' But of all the articles we have lately seen, on this subject, a letter published in the Easton (Maryland) Gazette of the 14th inst. is the most elaborate and best written Exhibition of the Views of the Whigs, who lately congregated at Washington. The Easton Gazette ascribes this letter to the pen of Mr. Goldsborough, Senator of the U.S. from Maryland. The Gazette in the course of its comments upon this letter, says: 'In order to bring his readers to the right conclusion, viz. that Daniel Webster is the only safe candidate for the Whigs to support, he gives his estimate of the chances of the three named candidates. Again in the conclusion of his letter, the Hon. Senator says 'let the men of sense and thought, every where reflect, that our Government was designed to be administered by the ablest men, and just men,' (such as Daniel Webster, the Hartford Conventionist. 'that to place at its head, a man renowned for all the arts of intrigue, (he alludes here, to Mr. Van Buren, no doubt,) is to betray its principles and sacrifice its objects—and that the appointment of a subordinate man to the Chief Magistracy, (such a man as Judge White) is but to make him the victim to a Cabinet or cabal, without any responsibility, whilst the country and the people become the victims of both.' Were we not fully assured that this letter emanated from the source to which we ascribe it, from one too, so lately returned from the great secret councils of Federalism, we should pass it by without comment, as the ordinary matter with which that paper is filled; but being thus assured, we take it as the first instruction of the drill Major, acting under orders from Head quarters, and as an indication of the general plan of operations for the approaching campaign. But read the Letter! 'In the pursuit of power, the division of the Jackson party of the country into two sections, nearly equipoised, is an event not at all to be wondered at, but one which is destined to produce serious results. The Southern portion of this party, strongly tinctured with that sentiment most adverse to the preservation of the Union of the States, and against which the Father of his Country so particularly and so earnestly cautioned ALL to beware. I mean local or sectional feeling, have resolved to unite their destiny with that of a certain Hugh Lawson White, an old Gentleman of Tennessee, who is said to be a good Lawyer, and a man of very good character, and to endeavor to promote Mr. White to the Presidential Chair. Whilst the other portion of the party in the Middle, Western and Northern parts of the country, if not unanimously, are generally looking up to Mr. Van Buren as the sun of their system, who is to dispense the genial warmth of his patronage to them. The stand taken by these parties is decisive, and the feeling growing out of it implacable. Already they have commenced with their twittings of each other. The Van Burenites have upbraided the Whiteites as breaking up the integrity of the Great Democratic Party—and the Whiteites have retorted upon the Van Burenites, accusing them of an attempt to force a candidate upon them through the means of a Caucus. The Van Burenites say, ours is the candidate of the Great Democratic Party—The White's say, ours is the candidate of the People. Thus troubles begin. Mr. White has two papers established at Washington to support him, viz. The Appeal and The Sun—and to these must be added, the Telegraph, edited by Duff Green Mr. Van Buren has the Globe at Washington, the present Government paper, as his support, and, as yet, no other one there. Thus organized, they are preparing to take the field—Mr. White is already out—and Mr. Van Buren only awaits the result of the National Democratic Convention that is to be held in Baltimore or Pittsburgh about the 20th May next, to enter the lists openly and avowedly. When Mr. Van Buren gets out, little does Mr. White know of what he will have to endure and go through—little, ah! little is he aware of the scenes that the versatile and fertile talents of his adversary will present to his view. As yet Virginia is not committed between these two rival friends—these two idols of the exclusive democratic party—The Jackson party in her Legislature held a caucus, but the division was so strong between Mr. White and Mr. Van Buren, that they could not venture on a nomination—After that the Whig party of the Legislature had a meeting, where Mr. White could gain no support.—Thus Virginia goes into her spring elections without being committed as to the Presidential Candidate. In the West, the influence in behalf of either White or Van Buren is thought to be small.—In Pennsylvania and New York and New Jersey, Mr. White has little or no expectation—and none in New England. Pennsylvania follows New York, and New Jersey follows both—Mr. White can get no votes in New York in any event. Massachusetts has nominated Mr. Webster, and all New England, New Hampshire perhaps excepted, will go with him.—In New York he is very strong—stronger than any other man except Van Buren alone—In the West they confide in him more than in either of the others. Between the Van Burenites and the Whiteites, there is no principle of cohesion—each lays claim to exclusive Jacksonian favor—each lays claim to the exclusive right of power and control over the people and the country. For which of these parties the old General is to come out and declare himself, is not yet ascertained—each assumes his preference.—If he demonstrates it unequivocally towards either, the other comes out in opposition—If he studiously avoids such preference, he en genders the jealousy of, and will fall between the two, with no other hope, than that the opposition will afford him that aid which the Constitution, law, and the right of the matter will always induce them to yield to any Chief Magistrate. The progress of things in our country is calculated to excite a growing and yet a deeper interest in every patriot's heart. All men being politicians with us, because all men are called to give their opinion in casting the destiny of the country, politicians, like moralists, should pause frequently in their course, examine their lives and conduct, and regulate themselves in future by the aberrations of the past. The blind zeal, the betraying prejudice, the passion of hatred or preference, each perhaps often irrationally indulged, are blemishes in the past that we ought to avoid in the future,—and longer indulging the dangerous belief that our Government is so good that it cannot be destroyed, that our Union is so sound that it cannot be dissevered—let the men of sense and thought every where reflect, that a Government like our own, produced by the toil and wisdom of our forefathers, cannot be sustained and continued by less toil and wisdom on the part of their sons—that our Government was designed to be administered by the ablest men and just men—that to place at its head a man renowned for all the arts of intrigue, is to betray its principles and sacrifice its objects—and that the appointment of a subordinate man to the Chief Magistracy, is but to make him the victim to a Cabinet or cabal without any responsibility, whilst the country and the people become the victims of both. It is perfectly obvious, from the aforesaid Expose, that Mr. Webster is looked to as the Whig candidate of the North.—En passant, we must correct two errors of the writer. It is not true, that in the Jackson Caucus the 'division was so strong between Mr. White and Mr. Van Buren, that they could not venture a nomination.' The fact is, they never proposed to make one—and in the interchange of sentiments, not more than 3 or 4 expressed their preference for Judge White; but at the same time, declared they would go with their Party.—Nor is it true, that in the Whig Caucus, 'Mr. White could gain no support.'—He would probably have got more votes, as a temporary anchor, than any other man—but as many of the Whigs would not declare for him, and thought it best to hang off and wait for ulterior contingencies, they would make no nomination at all.

THE FRENCH QUESTION.

A gentleman at Washington, who has the best means of information, writes us, that 'We have nothing new from France. No one, however, doubts but that the appropriation will be made by the Deputies.' It may be some time yet, before we learn the result. During the last year, when the bill was rejected by a majority of 8 only, it was on the 13th January, that M. Humann, Minister of Finance, submitted the Bill to the Chamber of Deputies. It was not before the 10th March, that M. Jay made the Report, from the Committee of 9. Eighteen days after, the discussion came on. The Debate continued four days; and the question was taken on the 1st April. Yet it is highly probable, from the critical state of the relations between the two countries, that the question will be much earlier decided at the present session. But let it reach us when it may, it will be seen that the President's Message has mainly contributed to its production. The Globe thus sums up the question at issue: 'What had roused France from her apathy and made the execution of the treaty a topic of general inquiry and discussion? The President's Message. What had excited the commercial and manufacturing interests of that kingdom to pray for the execution of the treaty? The Message. What had called the attention of Europe to the subject, and brought down upon France the condemnation of the civilized world? The Message. What had forced the King to make the appropriation a Cabinet measure, contrary to his previous determination, upon the success of which the official existence of his Ministers depended? The Message. What produced the majorities in the Bureau in favor of the execution of the treaty? Not Mr. Clay's Report; for, that was not received when the votes were given; but the Message. What produced the confidence that the treaty would be executed, which pervaded all the accounts by the latest arrivals, from whatever source, and through whatever channel? Not Mr. Clay's Report, which had not been received when all the favorable symptoms displayed themselves; but the Message. What is seized hold of by the opposition in France to change the current, and defeat the execution of the Treaty? Mr. Clay's Report and Speech. What created the only distrust that remained at the latest dates, of the success of the appropriation? Mr. Clay's report and speech. By adverting to these incontestable facts, the American People will be able to judge in any event, of our French relations, to whom belongs the merit, or on whom rests the responsibility.

THE STATES.

New Hampshire.—The Republicans have swept the platter.—Messrs. Sam'l Cushman, Joseph Weeks, (these two new members,) Benning M. Bean, Franklin Pierce, and Robert Burns, all of the Democratic ticket, are elected to Congress.—All the 5 Counsellors are Democratic—All the 12 Senators, with the exception of Levi Fiske. Of the Representatives heard from, 142 are Republicans, and 57 Whigs—and of the 21 Representatives to be heard from, at least 14 will be Republicans—giving them a majority of 92 in the House.—Mr. Badger is elected Governor, by a majority of 9,633—being a nett Republican gain of 5,059, since the contest of 1832, between Jackson and Clay.

Connecticut.—The last N York Evening Post says: 'The election for members of Congress and State officers will take place in Connecticut next Monday week—(Next Monday.) Our information from various sources inspires the strongest hopes of the success of the democratic party. The tone of the newspapers, the intelligence we get by letters, and verbal communications all concur in representing the democracy of that State as unusually animated and harmonious. The election will probably be a close one, but we are induced to think that the scale of victory will incline in our favor.'

Prohibition of small Notes.

The bill to prohibit the circulation of Bank notes under 5, has passed the Senate of New York, by a vote of 25 to 2—and the Assembly, by 72 to 9. The bill provides for the gradual withdrawal of small notes within a period of 13 months, viz: 'The ones on the 1st of September next, twos on the 1st of March, 1836, and threes on the 1st of September, 1836.'—The Assembly amended the bill so as to prohibit the circulation of all foreign notes under $10.' The Senate have yet to pass on this proposition. It is ascertained, that the amount of bills under 5, of the N York Banks, in circulation on the 1st January last, was $3,730,802 or nearly a 4th of their whole circulation. This important measure will cause a demand for more specie, and will, of course, retain a larger portion of it in the country. The next movement should be, to extend the prohibition to notes of all sorts under $20 Then, we shall have just such a solid specie basis, as might be sufficient to support a restricted and well regulated paper circulation. Then we should rival in a great degree the monetary system of England and of France. In the former, they have no Bank notes under 5 sterling and in the latter, none for less than 100 francs.

THE SPECIE.

A late letter from New Orleans states, that there never was so much money, or specie, in that city We are happy to learn, that the Bank of Virginia will receive to-day, from Philadelphia, $100,000 in gold of the American coins These Benton Drops. (Eagles, Half Eagles, &c.) are beautiful productions of the Mint—and will be gradually circulated among the citizens of Virginia. The New York Star and Daily Advertiser hint some suspicions about Mr. Cambreleng's visit to Virginia and N. Carolina. One of them asks, if he is not a political Missionary to Virginia—All we know is, that Mr. C. has gone through Norfolk to N. Carolina, his native State.—May not a man visit his own relations without an intrigue? Monsieur Webb, of the New York Courier and Enquirer, has taken some trouble in summing up the number of the principles of the N. York Post and the Richmond Enquirer. Now, very little arithmetic is necessary to count up his own. The man unfortunately has no principles at all.
The Airw Pupirh Plot!

A Correspondent informs us of a report which has been got up in the county of Essex, that the Arch Magician is a Roman Catholic! As this story may have been spread in we know not how many other counties, because no efforts are spared to calumniate Mr. Van Buren, our Correspondent has called upon us to do him justice in this respect. For which purpose, he has furnished us with the most authentic materials. The original correspondence will be sent to Essex; but the substance of the whole matter is this: Whilst Mr. V. B. was Secretary of State, he had occasion to write an official letter to the American Consul at Rome, containing the President's reply to a Communication, which was made to him through our Consul by the Papal Government, relating to the election of the present Pope, expressive of his thanks for the privileges which the Catholics enjoy in this country, and of the desire of that Government to cultivate friendly relations with our own. Some person, then at Rome, understanding that the Consul had received some letter from Mr. Van Buren, which required a communication to be made to the Pope, most sagely concluded that it must be some intrigue or other—and the next thing we hear of the matter, was some vague surmises in the Opposition prints as to the probable contents and objects of the Correspondence. The longer these reports continued uncontradicted, the more they increased, until at length, it was thought necessary to publish the original Correspondence in the Globe. The Opposition was oiled The letters reflected great credit upon the Secretary of State—and the affair was, for the time, dropped. It was, however, revived, during the last election in N. Y., as the general circumstance was remembered, but not the result. The correspondence was once more published—and the Opposition presses were once more silenced. And now some of the political Saints have dressed it up in a new shape. It is now said, that Mr. Van Buren is himself a Roman Catholic—and we presume this story, which a great majority of those who propagate it must believe to be unfounded, is to be circulated far and wide, for political effect.—Mr. Van Buren is not now, and never has been a Roman Catholic. The correspondence with the American Consul, which we have read, and if necessary, will re-publish at some convenient opportunity, justifies not even the shadow of such a report.

A Fair Proposition.

Gen. Duff Green makes a hit at Mr. Walsh and ourselves. He charges Mr. Walsh with favoring Mr. Van Buren!!—(which is, no doubt, news to him!) and then significantly adds: If the demand be not exorbitant, Mr. Van Buren is always willing to give the quid pro quo.—He will pay quadruple its worth in promises—what of the Richmond Franklin? Both cannot obtain the high prize, the long cherished object of their ambition. We leave it to Mr. W. to take care of himself. He is fully competent to his own defence—but one word as to ourselves! Duff Green ought to blush for referring again to the embassy. He first violated the honor, which is due to gentlemen, in referring to a private letter which we had addressed him in reply to his—Next, he grossly falsified its contents—and then when we challenged and called upon him to produce the letter, and the whole world was convinced of his misrepresentation, by the inspection of the Letter itself, he continued to prevaricate and calumniate us.—We have neither asked any thing from Gen. Jackson, nor would we accept of it. This determination has been taken from the commencement of his administration. We will adhere to it. We would carry it further. We make this fair proposition to Duff Green. The election of another President is at hand. We would go into the battle not only with clean hands and a clear conscience—but in a way to satisfy even our enemies, of the integrity of our motives. If Mr. Van Buren be the selected candidate of the great Republican party, and his country should elect him, and we pledge ourselves to ask or take nothing at his hands, will Duff Green give the same pledge? Will the Editor of the Whig pledge himself that he will not seek another voyage to Buenos Ayres, or take any other office from Judge White—or from any other candidate, whom he or D. Green may happen to support some twelve months hence? Will D. G. also come out, and clear his own skirts of any imputations of office-hunting from the next President? He may again want, perhaps, to be the Postmaster-General. Will he exchange the pledge which we now offer to his acceptance?

THE BERMUDI AFFAIR.

A second case has occurred, which calls for the notice of our Government.—The brig Enterprise, bound from Alexandria to Charleston, was compelled by stress of weather to put into Bermuda—the 78 slaves she had on board were seized under a writ of habeas corpus from the Chief Justice, and set at liberty, with the exception of one woman and her four children, who preferred to return to her master. This is an outrage which the British Government should be called on to redress; and to prevent its future repetition. The rights of property have been abused—the duties of hospitality have been violated—the flag of our country has been outraged. But this is not the first case of the sort which has occurred. 'It is but recently' (says the Raleigh Standard,) 'that a similar outrage was committed on a citizen of North Carolina, Mr. Waddell, of Wilmington, whose slaves and vessel were seized and confiscated by the British authorities of Nassau. Very spirited resolutions were unanimously adopted by our last Legislature on the subject, calling on the General Government for a redress of the flagrant outrage and breach of neutrality. And there can be no doubt, now that there has been aggravated repetition of the outrage, but that the authorities at Washington will promptly make a demand on the British Government for an investigation of the affair, and satisfaction for the injuries.' It has been reported, but we know not upon what authority, that Mr. W.'s slaves have been paid for. We suspect it not so. And we should be obliged to any Editor in Wilmington for information upon the subject.

FOR THE ENQUIRER.

Republicans be on your guard!

The Whigs are encouraging Jackson-White men to run in counties where the Whigs are weak. They wish to divide us; and they do this—1st. To split up the votes of the people, so as to run in their own Whig candidate—and 2dly. If they fail in this, and the few who prefer Judge White should beat, then to claim them as White Whigs! Do they take us for Fools?

A JACKSON MAN.

DISTRICT OF RICHMOND AND LANCASTER.

Extract of a Letter from

LANCASTER, March 28. 1835.

'In consequence of the Administration party in Richmond county, bringing out a candidate at their last March Court, no meeting took place at Lancaster Court-house, as announced in your paper a few weeks ago.—Aldea A. Glascock is the candidate selected by the Administration party in Richmond county, and is very acceptable to that party in Lancaster. Of the result of the election, I cannot speak with certainty.—Col. Robt. W. Carter, also of Richmond county, is the candidate on the other side, and will be supported by the Whigs of Lancaster, who, four years ago, were violently opposed to him, and voted for Col. V. Bramham, a firm and decided Administration man; notwithstanding Col C. was then, and has always been, opposed to the present Administration. There must be inconsistency somewhere. Report says, Glascock will beat Carter in Richmond County from 40 to 50 votes. If so, I think his election will be certain. We will use our best exertions in his favor. There has been much said about our Congressional election, and that Chinn is to be beaten. So Mr. Taliaferro's friends said two years ago, and were as sanguine then of his election as they are now. Chinn, I have no doubt, will be re-elected by his former majorities. He will get a majority in every county in the District, except King George and Westmoreland. In Lancaster, Chinn will get more than two to one. Will you please announce Mr. Glascock as a candidate?'

FOR THE ENQUIRER.

The friends of the Administration in King William, have, within a few days past, much to their surprise and regret, learned the intelligence, that a report (no doubt the work of some secret under-plotter,) is circulating in the counties of Caroline and Essex, that 'John Roane, Esq. has withdrawn from the field, and is no longer a candidate for Congress.' With a view to remove all doubt, and to set the people right in the matter, you are respectfully solicited to give the subjoined notice two or three conspicuous insertions in your paper. I have the best authority for making the request.

We are fully authorised to say, to the citizens of the Caroline Congressional District, that John Roane, Esq. of King William, is certainly a candidate to represent them in the next Congress of the United States.

March 25, 1835.

FOR THE ENQUIRER.

REPUBLICANS!—What does it mean?

Judge White, at the closing scenes of the late Congress, was discovered in the ranks of Jackson's enemies, aiding and abetting those against whom he has boldly carried on the most uncompromising opposition, until now, having shewn them no quarter and asked no favor at their hands. This distinguished Senator has been the able and fearless advocate of all the great measures of the present Administration. He has gallantly defended it at every important point, and nobly sustained it against the combined powers of a recreant, vindictive, and despotic Senate; and yet, with that very Senate, I fear he is guilty of a little billing and cooing of late O tempora! O mores'! Will the people mistake such a sign? Surely, surely not. It is too portentous to pass unnoticed.

Messrs. Editors, I feel anxious to bring to the notice of the distinguished Senator, the striking fable of the Fox and the Crow, and have only to regret, that it did not fall in his way just before he penned his letter of perfect resignation to the will of his kind and overweening friends. I hope it will not encumber your columns. The fable runs thus:

A crow having taken a piece of cheese out of a cottage window, flew up into a high tree with it, in order to eat it; which a fox observing, came and sat underneath, and began to compliment the crow upon the subject of her beauty. I protest, says he, I never observed it before, but your feathers are of a more delicate white than any I ever saw in my life. Ah! what a fine shape and graceful turn of body is there. And I make no question but you have a charming voice. If it is but as fine as your complexion, I do not know a bird that can pretend to stand in competition with you. The crow, tickled with this very civil language, nestled and wriggled about, and hardly knew where she was; but, thinking the fox a little doubtful as to the particular of her voice, and having a piece of cheese in her mouth, which she could not sing with, she opened her mouth to show what a fine voice she had, and so let the cheese fall to the ground. The Fox, as soon as he saw it, snapt it up, and cried, 'You have a very good voice, to be sure, Madam, but recollect that you have lost your cheese.'

A JACKSON MAN.