The Daily Advertiser ; Political, Historical, And Commercial

An ESSAY on the Means of promoting FEDERAL SENTIMENTS in the United States. By a Foreign Spectator.

(Continued from No. 816.)

The PRINCIPLES of SENTIMENTAL POLITICAL UNION

Not only the nicer faculties of convenience, but the principal enjoyments of human nature, depend on society. The great Creator has therefore given us strong social passions, and the best minds have the most of this moral magnetism. The little girl that weeps for her doll, will be an excellent wife and mother. A man of sensibility would, in a wilderness, place his affections on the most beautiful trees. A well-ordered political society is a theatre for the noblest exertions of human genius, the best feelings of the human heart. To be the guardian angels of a nation; to chain the monsters that ravage it; to repel daring foes; to diffuse the heavenly light of virtue and knowledge; continually to open some rich source for the ease and comfort of mankind—must, indeed, be a glorious, delightful employment. To form connections with persons of enlightened and exalted minds; mutually to give and receive the glad applause, and respectful affection; to have the grateful esteem of the good and just; nay, to despise the rage and falsehood of the wicked; to pity and forgive well-meaning enemies—all this is high enjoyment. While man is wrapt up in himself, he is a mean little being; but when he steps out from his prison, he becomes great, and rises to an amazing glory. The generous patriot lives but for his country, and will gladly die for it; his country's love of him is his very soul, entwined with every fibre of his heart; the dear thought of it is his last in this world, and remains with him through a happy eternity.

Inferior men will be also much improved by a social Union. There is a native dignity in the generous affections, that strikes even the selfish, and often makes them forget themselves. Society calls many of these into play. The common object is a centre, that attracts numbers of dissimilar dispositions, and this brings them near each other—it becomes a source of reciprocal good. They will, because they expect to attain it by joint endeavors; in this pursuit they frequently must exchange mutual good offices, and upon trying occasions sacrifice ease, humour, interest; leading characters will, by their talents and public virtue, animate and attach the less sanguine; in action and conversation will arise the sympathetic passions of hopes and fears, grief and joy, admiration of worthy Members, dislike of the bad, with all the congenial sentiments on the common cause. Self love itself, if not too sordid, is gratified in a social Union. Besides a share in the common object, a new and often superior interest is acquired: the pleasure of acting as a Member; the honor, dignity, importance, and whatever advantage that attends it; a participation of the merit and glory of eminent fellow citizens, and of the whole society, all which in a great measure reflect on every member. If therefore the common object of attachment is interesting, and a sufficient majority has these moral principles, which are the stamina of all rational government; the political Union has a natural tendency to grow stronger—because the selfish passions will necessarily be weakened, or take a better direction; and all the sentiments of integrity, honor, private attachment, and public spirit, will increase; by the exercise of social duties, by civil habits, and the gradual incorporation of the body politic, which will be finally moulded into an excellent form, and animated by the same generous spirit. Let us then consider the principal bonds of a sentimental political Union, and apply the theory to the United States.

National felicity, in all its branches, depends upon a strong and easy political union. True liberty is, in fact, nothing but a general, and not very unequal, participation in the genuine blessings of society; and consequently forms a closer connection, in point of most real interests, between the several parts of a nation. It is of importance to make them sensible of this reciprocal dependence, which, too often, is either forgot, or not sufficiently understood; and, especially, to point out circumstances that are affecting, and raise the feelings of gratitude, esteem, pity, &c. Extreme want of public spirit, and political crimes, proceed often from ignorance and prejudice; how else can we account for the diabolical outrages committed by numerous mobs; we cannot suppose that 100,000 people can be wicked enough to burn their capital: or that a majority of the insurgents in one of the States intended a civil war. It is dangerous to urge, with indiscreet zeal, those national objects which are of a pecuniary nature, because the public attention will be too keenly fixed upon them, and thus encrease the selfish passions. I could wish one half of the compositions on trade, finance, &c. burnt; they turn the brains of people attached to interest; a nymph has ruined many a fine girl. Property is very valuable; but God forbid it should be regarded as a principal rational object. When government, learning, manners, all tend to create such a principle, national virtue is in great danger; and with it that noble integrity, and high sense of honor, which is the basis of national independence, glory, and happiness. I never could with pleasure drink liberty and property; I taste something like verdigris in the bowl—such a toast might somewhat become a little country that cannot subsist without a scrupulous attention to interest; but is unworthy of a nation like Great-Britain. Let America rather choose liberty and honor, federal liberty, or federal virtue. In Monarchies, the expression high and low is a mark of distinction; I will not say it will suit better in this country than rich and poor; but this certainly is not very eligible—better and worse would be preferable, as it includes a disparity in merit. When a people is tolerably virtuous, a national interest, that engages the moral affections of the heart, has a very great influence.

The very principle of such Union, is naturally solid and powerful, capable of doing and suffering a great deal; superior in some minds to all the allurements of fortune, all the miseries of life, and horrors of death—aIt also raises immediately a strong reciprocal esteem and affection; because the zealous supporters of a noble cause must be the friends of honor and virtue. The principal object of political Union is to preserve the existence and independency of a nation, and to guard it from the calamities of war. This alone involves all that is dear to men, life, liberty, property, the safety and happiness of the dearest connections; it also presents fellow citizens to each other as defenders and benefactors; and calls forth the noble sentiments of honor, valor, fidelity. In actual war this is generally an effectual bond of Union. Even when a nation is not threatened with an invasion, or any extraordinary calamity, the army becomes a common object of attachment; its gallant exploits raise general congratulations, and all the agreeable sensations of national pride; their sufferings are viewed with sympathetic tenderness—he must be a dastardly wretch, that has no feeling for them, who often would be glad of the crumbs that fall from his table; who would purchase with blood the water his cattle refuse; who protect him with wounds and loss of limbs.

(To be continued.)