Richmond Enquirer

VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. HOUSE OF DELEGATES. Wednesday, March 2. SENATOR TYLER'S LETTER. The letter of the Hon. John Tyler having been read, Mr. Smith of G. moved that it be printed, and as it was an important document, he thought it proper that an extraordinary number of copies should be struck off for general circulation. He therefore moved that 10,000 copies be printed. Mr. Bouldin said that as a general circulation of the letter was desirable, throughout the State, the number named was not large enough. He would move that 25,000 copies be printed. Mr. Smith of G. accepted the larger number as a modification of his motion. Mr. Watkins thought the ordinary number would be sufficient, and he moved that 185 copies be printed for the use of the General Assembly. If any gentlemen in the House were desirous of circulating the document, they could have it printed at their own expense. Mr. Bouldin begged the gentleman from Goochland to consider that this was not a private letter, but a public document, called into existence by the action of the Legislature, and embracing a discussion of a highly important question. Mr. Geyer said that the ordinary number was not sufficient. The importance of this document demanded that it should be widely circulated. If only 185 copies were printed it would be a declaration that its circulation was to be confined to the newspapers. He was in favor of the largest number named. It had been said that the people demanded the passage of the expunging resolutions; and those resolutions having forced Mr. Tyler to resign, it was but just that his reasons and arguments should be made known to the people at large. Mr. Brown of P. said he gave to the communication just read his hearty commendation. He thought it worthy of the man and the cause in which he had fallen, he trusted but to rise again with redoubled strength and influence. It was full of lofty and elevated feelings of disinterested devotion to the principles of constitutional liberty, and every page of it bore the marks of the statesman, the patriot, and the honest public servant, in characters so plain, that he that runs may read it. He wished it to go into the hands of every citizen of the Commonwealth, so that the politician might have before him an example of the magnanimity with which those who really love their country, are prepared to sacrifice themselves, rather than turn their sacrilegious hands, at the bidding of party violence, against the holy altars of the Constitution; and the humblest and most secluded citizen of the Commonwealth may learn the true character of the political movements which were now hurling down the most eminent and trusted men of the land; and he feared, also, the safeguards and securities of the people's rights. With these views, he wished the largest number proposed, to be printed. He thought he might appeal with success to all quarters of the House, in favor of a general distribution of this paper among the people. It was no party matter, but the defence of the Senator; and men of all parties, whether approving it or not, would feel the same intense interest about this paper which had been evinced in that House, and would seek it with avidity. Mr. Miller did not think it necessary or expedient to print the large number of copies proposed by the gentleman from Gloucester. He did not think the ordinary number sufficient, and was willing to vote for 1000, and he moved that that number be printed. Mr. Harrison said before he voted he would ask whether any thing had been done towards printing the reasons of the Governor for declining to transmit the expunging resolutions. Mr. Gilman said, no motion had been made to receive the reasons which the Governor had tendered for his course. Had any such motion been made, he should have voted for the printing of the document. But he thought it highly important that a large number of this letter should be printed, as it involved a principle of great moment, the arguments upon which ought to be universally made known to the people. It was more important than the reasons of the Governor, because the Senator was differently situated, being one of those to whom the instructions of the Legislature were directed. Mr. G. trusted the largest number named, would be printed. Mr. Garland of M. said, he believed that two years since, a precisely similar communication was received from a Senator by this Legislature, in which as Mr. G. thought, important principles were discussed. Only the ordinary number of copies of that document were ordered to be printed; and why this immense number of the letter now before the House was to be printed, he did not know. If gentlemen think it so important that it should be widely circulated, he thought they ought to do it at their own, and not at the public expense. Mr. Dorman replied to the question, why as large a number of the communication of a Senator on a former occasion, was not printed—that the friends of that Senator did not ask it. He supposed they did not desire the general circulation of that letter. But on the present occasion, the friends of Mr. Tyler—and he had richly deserved the warm and heart-felt friendship of every true patriot—do desire that his letter may be universally read. And when we ask that we may be allowed to place this eloquent and forcible letter in the hands of the people of Virginia, and even of the United States at large—when we ask to be allowed to give extensive circulation to a powerful argument on the important principle of the right of instruction, we are met with the pitiful calculation of the expense. Sir, the additional expense of extra copies after the types have been composed, is too trifling to constitute an objection of any importance. I appeal, said Mr. D., to the majority, who have, by their act, elicited this letter, whether they are desirous of refusing light to the people on this subject. They ought to be willing that the public should hear both sides—more especially should they be willing that a public servant, who has been ostracised by their own act, should make known his reasons for declining to comply with their instructions. We ask that the reasons offered by a noble-minded, patriotic Virginian, who has sacrificed his own interests to his sense of duty, should be permitted to go forth to the people of this Commonwealth. If the majority are as well convinced that their course is sustained by the people as they have frequently declared, will they deny the appeal? On motion of Mr. Benton, the ayes and noes were ordered. Mr. Watkins said, from the storm which gentlemen had raised on this occasion, it might be supposed that an attempt was making to nail this document to the table. But such was not the case—There was no disposition to prevent its circulation, nor would it fail of being printed and published throughout the State. He did not doubt that it would make its appearance in every newspaper in the Commonwealth. The Enquirer of this city, he had no doubt, would publish it immediately; and no one could doubt for a moment that it would appear in the columns of the Whig. We are asked why we wish to prevent its being seen by the people; and our magnanimity is appealed to, as if a proposition had been made to suppress it. I ask, in return, why the Whig Party had not the magnanimity to print an extra number of the letter of ex-Senator Rives? We are called upon to sustain a proposition such as was never made before—to incur an enormous expense to the public in order to effect a mere party purpose. We have often appealed to the courtesy and magnanimity of our opponents with little success; and it is with but an ill grace that they now appeal to ours. We were told by the Chairman of the Committee of Finance, the other day, that we were not very strong in funds, and surely we ought not to incur useless expense under such circumstances. If the light of which the gentleman from Rockbridge speaks, was about to be hidden—if there were not sufficient means by which it could be dispensed without our aid, the question might be worthy of our consideration—but by refusing to incur this expenditure, we do not shut out the light: it will appear in every part of the State without our assistance, which would therefore be useless. Mr. Witcher was in favor of printing the larger number. We are told, said he, by the gentleman from Goochland, that by refusing to print an extra number we shall not shut out light from the people, because the document will be printed in the newspapers. But the gentleman knows that there is a large number of respectable citizens who do not receive the newspapers, and who will not, in that way, be enabled to read this document. It was but justice to the Senator who had been ostracised, that he should be heard by the whole body of his constituents. If this house constituted the body whom he represented—if they were the constituents, instead of the agents of the constituent body, it would be proper that they should print only a sufficient number of this letter for themselves. But it should be recollected, that the Senator is the officer of the people, and that it was their right, while it was but respectful to him, that they should know his reasons for declining longer to serve them in the station to which he had been called. We have interposed between the people and their public servant, and in consequence of our interposition he has laid down his office. He is entitled to be heard in explanation; and he ought to be allowed to give his reasons for his conduct to every man in the State. The gentleman from Goochland tells you that this is a movement for party purposes; that we are endeavoring to circulate at the public expense a party document therefore he opposes the motion—yet in the very next breath he tells you that by rejecting it, the light will not be shut out from the people; that this document will go to them through the newspapers. But he knows as well as I do, that it will not generally be published entire in the newspapers—that they will make extracts of certain passages to serve their own purposes; but will not publish the whole. I am glad that the ayes and noes have been called on this motion. I wish to see who will oppose the printing of the reasons of a public servant for laying down his service. The majority would not do so unjust an act were they not afraid (which I believe to be the case) to have this letter go before the people. Mr Gregory said, he had not supposed that he could again have been tempted to address the House as an advocate of the people, after the experience he had acquired of the little regard that was paid to their wishes or interests. It had been said that the people could procure this document through the public newspapers. But its publication through them would reach but a small portion of the citizens of the State. He did not believe that the Enquirer and Whig together had above ten thousand subscribers, while there was 56,000 voters in the Commonwealth; and although it would be said that those who did not receive it through the city papers would have access to it in the country journals, he did not believe that one half of the voters of the country were subscribers to newspapers—a large portion of the hardy yeomanry of the country, it was well known were not. This, then, was the best mode of circulating this letter among the people; and although it was to be done at the public expense, it was the cheapest mode by which the people could receive it.—The printing was to be done for the benefit of the people, and it would be paid for by them. Do gentlemen suppose that we have a private purse, out of which we can pay for the publication of all documents deemed necessary for the public information? Mr. Gregory knew of no such fund, and he did not allow himself to doubt that the people were willing to pay for publications made to enlighten them on important subjects. The gentleman from Goochland tells us, that we did not print an extra number of Mr. Rives' letter, and that in failing to do so we lose all right to the courtesy of the majority on this occasion. But I ask, did any one move the printing of Mr. Rives' letter? Mr. Watkins explained. He did not say, that the Whig party denied the printing of Mr. Rives' letter—he merely said that only the ordinary number of that letter were printed. But, said he, I did say that they had refused to extend courtesy to their opponents then in a minority—and I will give some specimens.—They refused to postpone the election of a Senator at our request; and afterwards, they refused to lay over that election and allow the question upon it to be referred to the people. Mr. Witcher. I will state another instance of the discourtesy of the Whigs: They refused to vote for the expunging resolutions. Mr. Watkins. I contend that, in the proceedings on the expunging resolutions, we gave them every courtesy they could reasonably ask. Mr. Gregory. These cases do not refer to the question of printing. The want of courtesy, of which the gentleman complains, consists in the refusal of a majority to allow a minority to have its own way. Mr. G. did not blame the majority who were in favor of expunging; they did right according to their opinions; and had he been one of them, he would not have allowed the expunging resolutions to be postponed. Nor was it a want of courtesy in the Whigs, which prompted the course alluded to by the gentleman from Goochland. That gentleman and his friends are here as the representatives of the majority of the people—and they ought to allow the servant of the people to make known to them the motives upon which he has acted. Mr. Woolfolk said he was sorry to perceive that a practice was commencing here, which had long been prevalent in Washington—of printing large numbers of public documents at the public expense, for party purposes. If the gentlemen who desire the printing of this letter, are so anxious that light should be diffused, why do they not collect the reasons urged here for adopting the expunging resolutions, and bind them up with Mr. Tyler's protest, so that light should be given on both sides? They propose to send this document alone, and to give light only on one side. Mr. Gregory expressed his willingness that every speech made here on expunging, should be printed and circulated with this letter. Mr. Woolfolk objected to doing this on either side of the question, because it will introduce the practice of printing and circulating party papers at the public expense—which he was opposed to, be it done by what party it might. Let those who deem this letter so important, and who wish to print and circulate it, employ a printer at their own expense: but let us not follow the practice which prevails in Congress, and pervert the public funds to the support of political parties. Mr. Summers said this was not an ordinary case.—This document was the direct consequence of the action of the Legislature on a subject on which it was said the people of Virginia felt a deep interest. The Senator, in consequence of that action, has seen fit to resign, and his reasons for doing so ought to be circulated and read by all. It was truly said by the gentleman from Pittsylvania, that the Legislature was not the constituency of the Senator, but merely the agent of the people. By our acts, he is forced to resign—not by instructions from the people, but by an act of the Legislature—and we wish that his reasons for his resignation may be laid before his constituents, the people. I beg the gentleman from Goochland, said Mr. S., to recollect, that it was more than once declared on this floor, and as the basis of those proceedings, that the people demanded them.—Well, sir, when in consequence of this action of the Legislature the Senator finds himself obliged to resign, is it not proper that his reasons for doing so should be known—is it not justice to him and the people that they should be widely circulated and placed within the reach of every citizen? If it be true, that a majority of the people are fixed in the opinions which have been assumed to be theirs on this floor, then the circulation of this document, to whatever extent, can do no party any harm. And are we not authorized to suppose, from the opposition which gentlemen have shown to this motion, that their assertions, as to the opinions of the people, are somewhat exaggerated, and that they have their fears of the consequences of allowing the reasons for Mr. Tyler's resignation to be known? The expense of printing this letter has been adverted to. The additional copies would cost but a trifle; and that consideration ought to be disregarded when a document like this, from a public servant, who has stood high, and will yet stand higher, is to be laid before the people. Mr. S. had hoped that the gentleman from Goochland would have exhibited more magnanimity on this occasion. He knew the gentleman was capable of exercising that virtue, but he was not acting under its influence at this time. He trusted the larger number would be agreed to. Mr. Madison said he had no wish to print a cart load of useless papers, and he should therefore vote against the motion now before the House. He did not wonder that gentlemen on the other side advocated it.—They had very good reasons for doing so, as they supposed the circulation of this letter would advance their own political views. They have told us that the people wish it. That might be the case with the people who sent them here, but Mr. M.'s constituents entertained a very different opinion. He had no desire to prevent the circulation of this letter; he wished on the contrary, that every individual who desired to read it should have the opportunity, and he had no doubt it would be afforded them. It had been insinuated that those who opposed this motion did so because they were against the diffusion of light. Now, said Mr. M., I think it was the diffusion of light which produced the expunging resolution. The people were in darkness, caused by a panic, when the resolution of the Senate was adopted. But the darkness cleared away, and it was the returning light which brought forth the expunging resolutions. I do not believe that the people who sent me here wish to pay their proportion for printing 25,000 copies of this letter. If I thought so, I should consider it my duty to vote for it. The course is a plain one—those who believe that the people wish for the printing of this document will vote for this motion, but as I think differently, I shall vote against it. Mr. Gilmer asked if the gentleman from Prince Edward was aware of the price of printing? Did he suppose that it would cost more than one or two cents a copy? Mr. Madison said he was governed by principle in this matter. If he thought that the people wished it, he would vote for printing a thousand dollars' worth. He thought that 185 copies ought to be printed, because as it was addressed to the Legislature, each member ought to have a copy. But gentlemen say that it is a very important document. Very true—and let those who wish to circulate it, print it at their own charge. I have no such wish, and will therefore vote against the motion. Mr Bouldin rose to state one fact, for the information of the constituents of those gentlemen who had opposed this motion. If it had been adopted when he offered it, the printing of the 25,000 copies would not have cost one-fourth of the sum which had been wasted in discussing it. Mr. Harrison said he did not think that the question of expense was alone involved in this motion. In his opinion much higher considerations were embraced in it. It was an extraordinary motion—and as the ayes and noes had been called by a friend of the Senator, the members would seem to be required to vote according to their opinions of the document itself. If he were to vote for the motion to print the extraordinary number proposed, it would be conceded that he approved of the sentiments and concurred in the principles contained in the letter. He warned the friends of the expunging resolutions, that such would be the interpretation given to a vote for this motion. Upon this consideration, he should not vote for it. There was another question which it was proper to ask: When Mr. Rives addressed this House, two years ago, under similar circumstances, why was not an extraordinary number of his letter printed? Why should they make fish of one, and flesh of another? The arguments which were used in favor of printing Mr. Tyler's letter, would have been equally applicable to that of Mr. Rives. He hoped the motion would not be agreed to. Mr. Gregory said, he supposed no gentleman would think he was in favor of the expunging resolutions.—But he would vote for printing 25,000 copies of them in connection with this letter. Mr. Witcher said he went further, and would also be willing to print the same number of copies of the votes and journal of proceedings on the subject of expunging. He was glad to perceive that the gentlemen of the majority were beginning to entertain some ideas of economy. Had their disposition to economise the public monies commenced earlier, they would have saved some six weeks' labor to the Legislature, and a large amount of the people's money. But, he asked whether they were not willing to give copies of this letter to the people, as well as to their dear selves, and whether the people were not as well entitled to know the grounds on which Mr. Tyler resigned his seat, as they were? He contended, that the objection of the gentleman from Orange that this was a new proposition, was not correct, as they had often printed extra numbers of documents—sometimes 1,000, sometimes 5,000—although it was true that the identical number of 25,000 had never been before proposed. Mr. Gregory then moved to amend the motion, so as to print the same number of the Expunging Resolutions in connection with Mr. Tyler's letter. Mr. Stanard supported the motion to amend. One word, said Mr. S., in reply to the gentleman from Harrison. That gentleman argued, that if he voted for the printing of this document, it would be supposed that he approved of it. Mr. Harrison explained. He had said, that the motion was to print an extraordinary number, and therefore if he voted for it, it would be supposed that he approved of it. Mr. Stanard differed with the gentleman on that point. No opinion of the document itself would be involved on a vote for the printing. Many thousand copies of the Messages of the President of the United States were printed without opposition, although portions of those documents were not assented to by those who voted. In many cases the reports of a majority and minority of a committee were printed together, but it was not supposed that those who voted for the printing, concurred in their statements or arguments. No assent was implied by the vote to print, and the gentleman from Harrison in voting for this motion, would not be considered as assenting to any thing more, than the fact that this was an important document; that there would be a general curiosity to see it, and that therefore, its general circulation was desirable. But he would make no admission thereby in favor of its sentiments. We were told by the gentleman from Prince Edward, that there was no doubt there would be a great curiosity in regard to this letter, and that every man would probably desire to read it. Was not this, then, the very case in which a large number ought to be printed. But we are also told, that it will be printed in the newspapers. Mr. Stanard had no doubt that it would be, but a large number of the citizens of the Commonwealth did not take newspapers; and it was for the purpose of supplying that class of individuals that the large number was proposed to be printed. He thought that it would be injustice that this class should be excluded from the privilege of reading so important a document. Mr. S. contended that the objection of the gentleman from Harrison should have no weight; he was willing, although very far from yielding his assent to their sentiments or principles, to vote for printing an equal number of the Expunging Resolutions. The question which he would put to the majority of the House was this: Are they willing to expose themselves to the suspicion, that they are desirous to prevent this letter from reaching the people through any other than the ordinary channels? If they were not, he trusted they would not oppose this motion. Mr. Miller said he could not consent to the proposition, nor did the motion to amend give it any additional claims to his favor. He considered that it would be of no effect to send the bare resolutions of the Legislature, attached to Senator Tyler's letter. To present a fair statement of the question before the people, they ought to send with it the reasons which were given in favor of those resolutions on this floor. He would not allow himself to be considered as acting under a party influence on this question. He was not actuated by the paltry wish to prevent the circulation of this document. He could not consent to the motion to print 25,000 copies, because he thought it would be a bad precedent, and might lead to practices hereafter, which all would regret He would move that 1,000 copies be printed which would enable the members, to distribute a few copies among their friends. If the gentlemen who advocated this motion, think it important to indoctrinate the people further, let them do it at their own, and not the public expense. Mr. Holleman had thought at first when the proposition was made to print the Expunging Resolutions, that it was designed as a display of liberality, but he did not think that any good effect would be produced by this amendment. The people already know our opinions upon those resolutions by our votes, and there is no necessity to append them to this letter, to show that we do not approve of the sentiments of Mr. Tyler. Mr. Gregory said, he would withdraw his motion to amend, as the friends of the resolutions did not seem to desire their publication. Mr. Holleman said, he did not know what had been the former practice, but during the few years of his service in this House, he had never known more than 5,000 copies of any document to have been printed. But gentlemen tell us, that this is an unusual occasion, and that it is very desirable, nay, absolutely necessary, that we should send light upon this subject to the people This is a very laudable design; but it is proper for us to enquire upon what side this light is to be thrown. The arguments of the letter are the same that were made use of on this floor, and the light which is to be conveyed by them exhibited one side of the question alone. If we had a document on the other side, or if one could be drawn up, in which our reasons for voting the instructions were embraced, we might also offer that to be printed; and so far as the question of diffusing light was concerned, there could be no cause of complaint, because the people would be enabled to see both sides.—But even then he should consider it a bad precedent.—Its consequences could readily be imagined—Let this practice of printing documents to enlighten the people once be established, and any gentleman could prepare a document, and offer it to the House with the proposition to print it, to give light to the community on some important subject. And this would draw forth another document on the other side, with equal claims to be printed and circulated, under the pretence of giving light to the people. Perhaps the best mode of effecting this object would be, to print the speeches which were made upon this floor, and then both sides would be heard, but he was opposed to all such measures, as inevitably leading to vicious practices. He did not think any but public documents ought to be printed at the public expense and he was opposed to printing a political document on one side with a view to enlightening the people. He thought, if they were to be enlightened at all, they ought to be on both sides. Others thought differently The gentleman from Rockbridge, for instance, says this is a very important document. Yes, sir, it undoubtedly is, to those who entertain one opinion here, and if I thought it as important as he does, I would have it printed at my own expense. But Mr. H. did not think, whatever was its importance, that it was necessary to print the large number proposed. Every individual who desired to read it, could obtain it through the public press. If it were a message from the Governor relating to the general interests of the people, he might be willing to vote for a motion like the present, but as it was the sum and substance of the argument on one side of a political question, he could not do so. He was willing that the people should see the letter, but he thought there was no necessity for giving it circulation at the public expense. Mr. Brooke should vote for the proposition to print the larger number, and he should do so, because it would add one to the present safeguards of popular liberty and popular rights. It had been objected to this motion, that it would establish a precedent, but it was a precedent which Mr. B. wished established. He thought it highly important that when a Legislature instructs a Senator out of his seat, it should be the duty of those who gave the instructions to disseminate the opinions of the Senator, and make known to the people the causes of his resignation. It was merely justice to a public officer, thus forced to abandon his station, that his reasons for doing so, should be known; and it was equally important to the people that they should be enabled by the dissemination of those reasons to form a correct judgement of the merits of the case. Mr. Bouldin said that as he had offered the motion to print 25,000 copies, he was not willing it should be supposed, as it had been by the gentleman from the Isle of Wight, that he was desirous of giving light to the people on one side only. If that gentleman had any lights which he desired to offer to the people, Mr. B. would willingly vote for their printing and distribution. The question was then taken on the motion, and decided in the negative, as published in the Enquirer of Thursday. Mr. Smith of G. then renewed his motion to print 10,000 copies. Mr. Gilmer requested the gentleman from Gloucester to withdraw his motion, as the House had shewn its determination not to print an extraordinary number of this letter. He hoped it would be done at private expense, towards which he was ready to contribute his share. The question was then put on Mr. Smith's motion, and decided in the negative. Mr. Miller withdrew his motion to print 1,000 copies, observing that he had offered it with the most respectful feeling towards the gentlemen who agreed with the sentiments of Mr. Tyler's letter. The question then recurred on the printing of 185 copies for the use of the members of the General Assembly Mr. Gregory proposed to amend by adding the words, "and 5,000 copies of the best address the majority can draw up." Mr. Holleman objected to this motion, because it was out of order to move the printing of what was not now, and might never be in existence. Mr. Gregory. Then I move to amend, by adding 25,000 copies of the speeches on this floor in favor of expunging. I suppose they are in existence. The Speaker said the motion was out of order, and the question being put, 185 copies were ordered to be printed. Thursday, March 3. A message was received from the Senate, stating that they had passed the bill, authorizing Jesse Sturm to erect a dam across the West Fork of Monongalia River in the county of Harrison—and that they had agreed to the resolution for a survey of the Nottoway River from the Petersburg and Roanoke Railroad, to its mouth, or to its junction with the Meherrin. The following engrossed bills were read a third time and passed—incorporating the Smithfield Savings'Institution, in the county of Isle of Wight—concerning the Orange Savings' Institution—and concerning the Rappahannock Company. NEW COUNTY. The bill forming a new county out of a portion of Frederick county, was taken up on motion of Mr. Griggs. Mr. Davison made an unsuccessful motion to lay the bill on the table; when it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. A large number of bills in their early stages, and numerous reports of committees were acted upon, and occupied the House until after one o'clock. The order of the day, the bill to increase the Banking capital of the State, was taken up, and, on motion of Mr. Dorman, was postponed until to-morrow. ELECTION OF UNITED STATES SENATOR. A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Rives, stating that they had agreed to the resolution of the House proposing to proceed this day to the election of a Senator of the United States, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of the Hon. John Tyler On motion of Mr. Wilson of B. the House then proceeded to execute the joint order. Mr. Gregory said he did not wish to create excitement; but he appealed to the members of the majority, to postpone the election until the next session, in order that the people could express their opinions upon the question at the approaching elections. If Mr. G. were a member of the majority, he would not assent to this proposition; but as the same request was made by the present majority, when they were a minority, in regard to the election of Mr. Leigh, Mr. G. had therefore made this suggestion, in hopes the majority would be disposed to follow their own rule of propriety. Mr. Garland of M., said that, as the gentleman from Goochland, who had intended making this nomination, was now absent from his seat, he would place in nomination Wm. C. Rives. Mr. R. was too well known as a public man, to require one word of eulogy from Mr. G. Mr. Harris seconded the motion. Mr. Price said, as he observed that the member from Goochland was absent from his seat, Mr. P. was led to suppose, that he was in expectation of being nominated himself—and thinking the gentleman from Goochland a proper person to fill the station, under present circumstances, Mr. P. nominated Joseph S. Watkins. Mr. Holleman said that without any instruction from the gentleman from Goochland, whose absence he believed was entirely accidental, he took it upon himself to say that the gentleman had no intention, ambition or desire, to be nominated for this or any other office. If the House would elect him to the U. S. Senate, he would not accept the office to save his life. He wishes no office from the Legislature or from any other source; and I trust the gentleman from Fayette and Nicholas will see the propriety of withdrawing his motion Mr. Wilson of B. Does the gentleman from Fayette and Nicholas desire the election of the gentleman from Goochland—and will he vote for him? If not, Mr. W. hoped he would withdraw the nomination. Mr. Price said that the gentleman from Goochland was usually punctual in attendance, and more especially when a subject like the present was under consideration. His absence now was therefore somewhat mysterious; and until Mr. P. was better assured that the gentleman did not anticipate being nominated, he could not withdraw his nomination. Mr. Mallory said, he occupied peculiar ground on this occasion. It was well known that he voted against the expunging resolutions. He did not regret that vote.—Every day's experience convinced him more and more of its propriety. If he voted for Mr. Rives, it would seem to give a sanction to the doctrine of expunging. If he gave his vote for Mr. R., on the ground that he was the choice of the People whom he represented, there would still seem to be an inconsistency,—because, if the People of Brunswick were opposed to expunging, they would equally be opposed to Mr. R But, believing that Mr. R. was the choice of a large majority of the People of Brunswick, and as he was Mr. M's own choice, separate and apart from expunging, he should record his vote in his favour. I shall vote for him, not to expunge, but for general purposes, as a friend to the present Administration of the General Government. I have thought proper to make this explanation, in order that my course may be distinctly understood Mr. McMullen said he rose to put in nomination Samuel Price of Fayette and Nicholas, giving notice, that although he put him in nomination, he should not vote for him. A debate then took place at considerable length, in which Messrs. Gregory, Garland of M., Watkins, Witcher, Powell, Hopkins, Wilson of B. and Dorman took part, in which the opinions and acts of Mr. R. were assailed and defended. [This debate will be published in our next.] Mr. Hanley rose to explain his vote in favor of Mr. Rives. He should not give that vote because of Mr. R.'s assumed willingness to comply with the expunging resolutions, nor because of his Van Burenism. To both of these Mr. H. was opposed; but he should vote for Mr. R. because his constituents were in favor of the election of an Administration Senator. The Senate was then notified of the readiness of the House to proceed in the election; and the vote was taken as follows: For William C. Rives—Messrs. Banks, (Speaker) Layne, Wiley, Miller, Wilson of B., De camps, Turnbull, Mallory, Booker, Austin, Daniel, Samuel, Richardson, Hill, Vaughan, Smith of Fauquier, Hickerson, Strange, Steger, Holland, Bowen, Davison, Watts, Watkins, Hall of G., Avent, Carrington, Coleman, Sloan, Nixon, Goodall, Harrison, Kincheloe, Fontaine Holleman, Robinson, Neill, Hays, Stratton, Harris, Taylor of M. & M. Rogers, Garland of M. Willey, Morgan, Chapman, Iagles, Sherrard, Brown of N., Leland, Fitzgerald, Woolfolk, Almond, Adams, M'Coy, Cockley, Hopkins, Carroll, Madison, Shands, Williams, Marteney, Nicklin, Moffett, Conrad, Jesse, M'Mullen, Bare, Rinker, Harley, Crutchfield, Moncure, Hargrave, Gillespie, Gibson, and Saunders—76. For Thomas W. Gilmer—Messrs. Grinalds, Craig, Henshaw, Beuhring, Stewart, Hunter of Essex, Ball, Wethered, Fleet, Taylor of L., Benton, Chapline, Masters, Dorman, Jett and Brown of P.—16. For John Tyler—Messrs. Southall, Garland, Smith of G. and Cooke—4. For John T. Brown—Messrs. Gilmer, Swanson and Butts—3. For Chapman Johnson—Messrs. Drummond, and Beard—2. For Joseph S. Watkins—Messrs. Price and Hale of F.—2. For George W. Wilson—Mr. Campbell. For Linn Banks—Mr. Smith of Frederick. For Absalom Hickerson—Mr. Bouldin. For Thomas H. Benton—Mr. Powell. Mr. Rives 76, scattering 33. Joint vote with the Senate:—Rives 95, scattering 41. So Wm. C. Rives, Esq. was declared duly elected Senator of the U. States, to fill the vacancy aforesaid. Mr. Campbell, when called on to vote, requested the House to excuse him. He said he was unwilling to vote for any individual whose sentiments on the subject of expunging he did not know, as, thinking as he did, he should offer an insult to any gentleman to suppose that he would comply with the expunging resolutions. He therefore could not vote for any gentleman unless convinced that he would willingly obey the instructions. Mr. Bouldin said he hoped members similarly situated would be generally excused. Mr. Watkins said that gentlemen could not vote they could retire beyond the bar of the House. Mr. Powell hoped gentlemen would not desert their seats; but sit fast and vote for whom they pleased. Mr. Holleman opposed the motion to excuse, as an uncommon course of proceeding. Gentlemen, could if they chose; throw away their votes. The question being put, the House refused to excuse. Mr. Campbell then gave his vote for G. W. Wilson. When Mr. Gregory's name was called, he refused to give his vote, stating that he could not give it for the gentleman nominated, as he would not aid in an attempt to destroy the Constitution, which he had sworn to maintain. After the reception of various bills and reports, on motion of Mr. Crutchfield, The House adjourned. Friday, March 4. On motion of Mr. Mullin, leave was given to bring in a bill to amend an act establishing the town of Moorefield, in the county of Hardy. The following engrossed bills were read a third time and passed:—To incorporate the City of Wheeling—forming a new county out of parts of the counties of Shenandoah and Frederick. [Considerable debate occurred on the latter bill, in which it was supported by Messrs. Bare, Gregory, Fontaine, and Almond, and opposed by Messrs. Davison, Craig, and Smith of Fred. On motion of the latter, the ayes and noes were ordered, and the bill passed—Ayes 80, Noes 44] ALBEMARLE CONTESTED ELECTION. Mr. Holleman from the Committee of Privileges and Elections, presented a report on the contested election from Albemarle. The report is the same as was formerly presented to the House and recommitted. Mr. H. explained the circumstances which had induced the contesting parties to decline insisting upon the specific report on the contested votes, which the committee was on a former occasion instructed to make. Mr. Southall briefly replied, and after a few remarks from Messrs. Holleman and Craig. the resolutions accompanying the report (declaring Thomas W. Gilmer and Valentine W. Southall entitled to their seats) were agreed to. [The remarks above alluded to, will hereafter be reported.] INCREASE OF BANKING CAPITAL. The order of the day then came up. and a motion having been made that the House go into Committee of the whole upon it, Mr. Hunter of E., moved to postpone the bill to the 31st of March. On this motion considerable discussion took place, and several suggestions were made: in order to obtain a test vote on the bill. The question on going into committee of the whole being finally put, it was agreed to, Ayes 60, Noes 52. Numerous amendments were adopted to the bill in committee, by one of which, the Bonus was increased from one and one-eighth per cent. to one and one-fourth per cent. The chairman having gone through the reading of the bill by sections, and no further amendments being proposed, on motion of Mr. Summers, the Committee rose and reported the bill and amendments to the House. On motion of Mr. Miller, The House adjourned. House of Delegates, March 3, 1836. To the Editors of the Enquirer: Gentlemen: In your paper of this morning, detailing the proceedings of the House of Delegates on yesterday, I discover an error, (certainly an unintentional one) in relation to my course on an amendment proposed by Mr. McCoy to the bill forming a new county out of parts of Frederick and Shenandoah, which justice requires should be corrected—That gentleman is represented as having "moved to amend the bill so as to take the new county from the Frederick Congressional District, and attach it to the Shenandoah District;" and I am made to appear in support of this proposition; and which, as reported, was opposed by Messrs. Griggs and Hunter of B., when in truth the reverse is the fact. Mr. McCoy's proposition was to amend the bill, so as to detach the proposed new county from the Congressional and Senatorial District of which Shenandoah is a part, and where it had been placed by the bill, and to annex it to the Congressional and Senatorial District of which Frederick is a part: and this was the proposition sustained by me, for reasons which I assigned to the House, and which was opposed by Messrs. Griggs and Hunter. As I desire that my course in relation to this matter should not be misunderstood, I take this method of having the error corrected. Respectfully yours, &c. JOHN SHERRARD. We have a communication from Mr. McCoy, making the same correction which Mr. Sherrard has done. We are authorised to announce Thomas Jefferson Randolph and Alexander Rives, as Candidates in the county of Albemarle, for the next House of Delegates. "Buckingham" is in type, and will appear in our next. RICHMOND MARKETS—March 3. WHEAT.—$1 30 a $1 35 Flour—is held at $6 7/8 with occasional sales at that rate Tobacco—prices are pretty steady at rates current a week ago—general sales of common cullings 5 1/4 a $6—other sorts as in quality a 10—stemming qualities in demand. GEORGE L. SAMPSON. WHOLESALE PRICES. Wheat—arrivals are small—130 to 135 cents. Corn—several cargoes to market and a little coming in from waggons—70 cents. Oats—43 to 45 cents from waggons. Cotton—15 1/2 to 15 cents as in quality. WORTHAM, McGRUDER & CO. We understand that Brown's Warehouse, contiguous to the Public Warehouse, was purchased by the Executive, on the 3d inst., and becomes a part of that establishment. This will give increased facilities to the accommodation of Tobacco growers and dealers, who are in the habit of transacting business at that place. OPENING OF THE RAIL ROAD.—The cars of the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac Rail Road Company, will commence the transportation of passengers and property on Monday, the 15th inst., between Richmond and the Steam Mill, near the South Anna River. The following will be the hours of arrival and departure, daily, on further notice: Leave Richmond at 9 o'clock, A. M. Returning, leave the Steam Mill at 1 o'clock, P. M The passage in each direction is expected to be made in an hour and a quarter Tickets may be had at the office in the Depot—price one dollar and a quarter. In order to gratify such persons as may wish to make excursions, it has been determined that during the first month, tickets for that purpose will entitle passengers holding them to a seat in the first returning train after the one for which they are given. TO TRAVELLERS. A connection has been formed with E. Porter & Co.'s line of Stages and Steam boats, by which travellers between Washington city and Richmond will be transported in the most expeditious manner the state of the weather will admit Due notice will be given of the connection of a night line, running at the same hours with the Northern and Southern Mail, which is soon expected to be made. Notice will also be given of a connection with R. M. Weir & Co 's line of Stages to Louisa Courthouse and Charlottesville, for which arrangements are now in progress Way passengers will be taken in at the crossings of the public roads, and there only ; and in that case, a signal must be given for stopping while the Engine is at a distance of 200 yards or more CHAS. G. SANFORD. Ag't, Transpy February, 11