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Editorial
September 28, 1833
The Liberator
Boston, Suffolk County, Massachusetts
What is this article about?
Editorial condemns slavery in the U.S. capital, District of Columbia, as hypocritical given the Declaration of Independence. Urges citizens to petition Congress for immediate emancipation of 6,000 slaves, holds individuals guilty for inaction, and calls for action by editors, clergy, and abolition societies to arouse public sentiment.
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Full Text
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
It must be a humiliating reflection to every American Philanthropist and Christian, that 6,000 human beings are held in abject bondage in the very capital of our nation, and that their slavery is perpetuated by the highest legislative authority in the land! Are we not, as a nation, chargeable with the most detestable hypocrisy, while we continue to perpetuate the system of slavery in the District of Columbia? We have declared in the face of the whole world, that 'all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.' Mark the words—they 'are created equal,' &c.—that is, 'life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness' are not rights which men acquire by education, and which may be rightfully granted or withheld by human governments. It was on this broad principle that our fathers asserted their independence, and it is on this principle that we defend our own title to the privileges we enjoy. But, with the Declaration of Independence in one hand, and the Bible in the other, we deny 6,000 of our fellow beings the enjoyment of those very rights which we have solemnly declared to be 'inalienable!' This is done by the nation—it is not the act of a State or an association over which we have no constitutional control. If this is not sufficient to render us justly obnoxious to the charge of hypocrisy, we know not what can be. Is it any wonder that the people of England bring this charge against us? and would it not be wiser in us to admit its truth, and remove the cause of it, than to spend our breath in railing against those who tell us plainly of our faults?
In respect to slavery in the District of Columbia, it appears to us that the following proposition can be fully substantiated: Every man who neglects to make use of the proper means to effect the extermination of the evil, or who adopts principles which tend to perpetuate it, is PERSONALLY GUILTY. The Same is true of slavery in the States, but we wish now to urge the principle only in respect to the District of Columbia. It is in the power of Congress to emancipate all the slaves in this District at its next session, and this is the only body which can do it. The duty of the people, then, is plain; they ought to unite in petitioning Congress for the removal of the evil. This is the only way in which they can act. If the next Congress refuses to abolish the system, then it will be the duty of the people to elect other men, who will do it. Congress is composed of men who are the agents of the people, and the people are responsible for their acts. Now we maintain that the nation is guilty of man-stealing, and the only way by which individuals can free themselves from the guilt of abetting this daring sin, is, to make use of the proper means for its removal. Silence is abetting the sin, and therefore it is the duty of every man to 'cry aloud and spare not.'
There is but one objection of any importance urged against petitioning Congress for the abolition of slavery in this District; and that is, that it will endanger the Union. Do those who make this objection forget that slavery itself is far more dangerous to the Union than any effort for its abolition can be? And besides, what is the Union worth, if it can be preserved only by plundering 6,000 human beings of their liberty? We say, unhesitatingly, that if the Union is founded on oppression, and can only be preserved by a compromise with slavery, it ought to be dissolved. We have no discretion in the case. Our present connection involves us in guilt, if we hold our peace; and we have no alternative but to make our appeal to Congress.
Let petitions then be sent to Congress from every town in the free States, and let every one who refuses to sign them, remember that he is guilty of abetting the sin of slavery. The friends of Colonization can have an opportunity of showing the sincerity of their professions by uniting in this object. If they are in reality the friends of emancipation, let them step forward and labor with becoming zeal to effect the liberation of 6,000 of their fellow men, whose bondage is perpetuated by the constituted authority of the nation. The plea of interference with the rights of the South cannot avail them as an excuse, and if they refuse to act, they must be set down as the abettors of iniquity.
The Editors of the public papers have an important duty to discharge. They are not only under obligation to sign petitions, but to call the attention of the community to the subject. The Editors of religious papers in particular should see to it that they are free from the awful guilt of silence in respect to this subject. Now is the time for vigorous action. Not a moment should be lost. Let every person who feels interested in the object, converse with his neighbors, and endeavor to enlist their feelings; and then let him procure a petition and get as many as possible to sign it. In some cases it would be well to call a meeting of those friendly to the object, and appoint a committee to obtain signatures.
About 1200 gentlemen in this city, have already affixed their names to a petition; and among them are a large majority of the Clergy as well as many of our most distinguished public men. The New-England Anti-Slavery Society has employed an Agent, to obtain signatures, who is laboring with great assiduity and success. The Abolitionist for October will be principally devoted to the object. An extra number of copies will be printed for circulation and sold at $3.00 per hundred. The friends of the cause are earnestly requested to afford their aid in circulating them far and wide. Let there be no halting, no wavering, no hesitancy, in the ranks of the Abolitionists. Let every man do his duty. If the first effort should fail of success, it will at least do something to arouse public sentiment, and prepare for a more vigorous onset hereafter. Let us make a beginning, and determine never to relax our exertions until the nation is freed from the curse and guilt of slavery.
It must be a humiliating reflection to every American Philanthropist and Christian, that 6,000 human beings are held in abject bondage in the very capital of our nation, and that their slavery is perpetuated by the highest legislative authority in the land! Are we not, as a nation, chargeable with the most detestable hypocrisy, while we continue to perpetuate the system of slavery in the District of Columbia? We have declared in the face of the whole world, that 'all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.' Mark the words—they 'are created equal,' &c.—that is, 'life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness' are not rights which men acquire by education, and which may be rightfully granted or withheld by human governments. It was on this broad principle that our fathers asserted their independence, and it is on this principle that we defend our own title to the privileges we enjoy. But, with the Declaration of Independence in one hand, and the Bible in the other, we deny 6,000 of our fellow beings the enjoyment of those very rights which we have solemnly declared to be 'inalienable!' This is done by the nation—it is not the act of a State or an association over which we have no constitutional control. If this is not sufficient to render us justly obnoxious to the charge of hypocrisy, we know not what can be. Is it any wonder that the people of England bring this charge against us? and would it not be wiser in us to admit its truth, and remove the cause of it, than to spend our breath in railing against those who tell us plainly of our faults?
In respect to slavery in the District of Columbia, it appears to us that the following proposition can be fully substantiated: Every man who neglects to make use of the proper means to effect the extermination of the evil, or who adopts principles which tend to perpetuate it, is PERSONALLY GUILTY. The Same is true of slavery in the States, but we wish now to urge the principle only in respect to the District of Columbia. It is in the power of Congress to emancipate all the slaves in this District at its next session, and this is the only body which can do it. The duty of the people, then, is plain; they ought to unite in petitioning Congress for the removal of the evil. This is the only way in which they can act. If the next Congress refuses to abolish the system, then it will be the duty of the people to elect other men, who will do it. Congress is composed of men who are the agents of the people, and the people are responsible for their acts. Now we maintain that the nation is guilty of man-stealing, and the only way by which individuals can free themselves from the guilt of abetting this daring sin, is, to make use of the proper means for its removal. Silence is abetting the sin, and therefore it is the duty of every man to 'cry aloud and spare not.'
There is but one objection of any importance urged against petitioning Congress for the abolition of slavery in this District; and that is, that it will endanger the Union. Do those who make this objection forget that slavery itself is far more dangerous to the Union than any effort for its abolition can be? And besides, what is the Union worth, if it can be preserved only by plundering 6,000 human beings of their liberty? We say, unhesitatingly, that if the Union is founded on oppression, and can only be preserved by a compromise with slavery, it ought to be dissolved. We have no discretion in the case. Our present connection involves us in guilt, if we hold our peace; and we have no alternative but to make our appeal to Congress.
Let petitions then be sent to Congress from every town in the free States, and let every one who refuses to sign them, remember that he is guilty of abetting the sin of slavery. The friends of Colonization can have an opportunity of showing the sincerity of their professions by uniting in this object. If they are in reality the friends of emancipation, let them step forward and labor with becoming zeal to effect the liberation of 6,000 of their fellow men, whose bondage is perpetuated by the constituted authority of the nation. The plea of interference with the rights of the South cannot avail them as an excuse, and if they refuse to act, they must be set down as the abettors of iniquity.
The Editors of the public papers have an important duty to discharge. They are not only under obligation to sign petitions, but to call the attention of the community to the subject. The Editors of religious papers in particular should see to it that they are free from the awful guilt of silence in respect to this subject. Now is the time for vigorous action. Not a moment should be lost. Let every person who feels interested in the object, converse with his neighbors, and endeavor to enlist their feelings; and then let him procure a petition and get as many as possible to sign it. In some cases it would be well to call a meeting of those friendly to the object, and appoint a committee to obtain signatures.
About 1200 gentlemen in this city, have already affixed their names to a petition; and among them are a large majority of the Clergy as well as many of our most distinguished public men. The New-England Anti-Slavery Society has employed an Agent, to obtain signatures, who is laboring with great assiduity and success. The Abolitionist for October will be principally devoted to the object. An extra number of copies will be printed for circulation and sold at $3.00 per hundred. The friends of the cause are earnestly requested to afford their aid in circulating them far and wide. Let there be no halting, no wavering, no hesitancy, in the ranks of the Abolitionists. Let every man do his duty. If the first effort should fail of success, it will at least do something to arouse public sentiment, and prepare for a more vigorous onset hereafter. Let us make a beginning, and determine never to relax our exertions until the nation is freed from the curse and guilt of slavery.
What sub-type of article is it?
Slavery Abolition
Moral Or Religious
Social Reform
What keywords are associated?
Slavery Abolition
District Of Columbia
Congress Petitions
American Hypocrisy
Personal Guilt
Union Preservation
Anti Slavery Action
What entities or persons were involved?
Congress
District Of Columbia
New England Anti Slavery Society
Abolitionists
Clergy
Editorial Details
Primary Topic
Abolition Of Slavery In The District Of Columbia
Stance / Tone
Strongly Pro Abolition And Moral Exhortation
Key Figures
Congress
District Of Columbia
New England Anti Slavery Society
Abolitionists
Clergy
Key Arguments
Nation Guilty Of Hypocrisy For Enslaving 6,000 In Capital While Declaring Inalienable Rights
Individuals Personally Guilty If They Do Not Act To End Slavery In Dc
Congress Can And Should Emancipate Slaves In Dc
Petitioning Congress Is The Duty Of The People
Union Not Worth Preserving If Based On Slavery
Editors And Religious Papers Must Advocate For Abolition
Call For Signatures On Petitions And Circulation Of Materials