New Haven Daily Herald

From the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser.

"Watchman, what of the Night?—The general aspect of our intelligence from the seat of government grows more and more unfavorable by every successive mail. Not, indeed, in regard to the fate of the great Whig measures for the relief of the country—for these, with a single exception, the bank bill, are believed to be out of danger—but in respect to other and more important matters. We refer to the position and probable fate of the Cabinet, and to the new aspect which the slave question is assuming, in connexion with the nomination of Mr. Everett.

In regard to the Cabinet, we hold, as we have all along maintained, that a simple difference of opinion between that body and the President, upon a single question, forms no good reason for depriving the country of its services. It is, as every body knows, a leading principle in the British constitution, "to surround the Sovereign with responsible ministers; by whom every public act is to be advised; through whom every act is to be done; and upon whom the whole blame—if blame there should happen to be—is to rest." But such, as we have repeatedly said, is not the fact in the constitution of the American government, although some of our unreflecting contemporaries have, to a certain extent, asserted the principle. Yet circumstances may arise,—considerations of self-respect, for example,—requiring a resignation of the Cabinet, even were the President not to dismiss them. And we must confess, though with great reluctance, our apprehensions that such a crisis is now at hand.

Touching the other and yet more fearful question connected with the nomination of Mr. Everett, we gave the alarm, and spoke freely and strongly ten days ago. Want of room only has prevented us from a farther enforcement of the views when presented. The reports from Washington are, that the apprehensions which we then shadowed forth are certainly to be realized, and that Mr. Everett is to be rejected—not because he is an abolitionist, for he is not—but because he is not a friend and an advocate of slavery in the abstract. If it be not indeed too late, we would once more warn the Southern Senators to pause before they drive us to this issue. Let them weigh the consequences ere the Rubicon be passed. And as Mr. Everett cannot be rejected save by the votes of the opposition Senators from the free states—one from Maine, the New Hampshire Senators, one from New York, and those from Pennsylvania—we say to them BEWARE. And we say to the people of the free states, be prepared to hold them responsible. The rejection of Mr. Everett, upon the principles avowed, will be a proscription of every freeman, and every friend of freedom in the Middle States, the West and the North!

The North and the South.—Advices from Washington state that the President's nominations of Col. C. S. Todd, as Minister to Russia, Hon. Daniel Jenifer as Minister to Austria, and Gen. Wool as Brigadier in place of Gen. Scott, were confirmed on Friday, while that (which should have been first) of Hon. Edward Everett as Minister to England. was not definitely acted on, but would probably be rejected.

The public should understand that there can be no Political hostility to Mr. Everett's confirmation. The post is vacant; Mr. Stevenson long since asked leave to come home and now awaits the appearance of a successor. Mr. Everett has certainly not rendered himself obnoxious by partisanship; while his qualifications are unsurpassed and conceded. But he is opposed by certain Southern Senators (not including those from Kentucky) on the ground that he did, while a candidate for Governor in 1839, write a letter expressing his unqualified hostility to Slavery, and his willingness to aid its abolition in the District of Columbia and the Territories.

This letter is held by Southern Senators to impose on them the necessity of voting against his confirmation. We think they act most unwisely and unjustifiably on the premises, but let that pass for the present. We wish now to consider the position of those Northern Senators who are conspiring to reject Mr. Everett. They can plead none of the apprehensions or impulses operating on the excitable spirits of the South. They can have no political feeling to gratify; the office is vacant and must be filled; they do not, cannot suppose that the President will select a Loco. On what ground, then, will Messrs. Silas Wright, Perry Smith, James Buchanan, &c. justify their vote to reject Mr. Everett? Do they seek deliberately to establish the principle that aversion to Slavery and willingness to see it abolished by constitutional means, are offences which should debar a man from holding office under the Government? Do they choose to affix the brand of dishonor and opprobrium to every man who breathes, however timidly, a prayer for the release of those held in bondage?

These are questions of vital import to the honor of the North, to the rights of every freeman. If Mr. Everett be rejected, we insist that the Yeas and Nays on his nomination be made public. It is due to the importance of the subject, but especially to the rights of the North. Let us know what disloyal and craven Representatives of Free States have dared prove so recreant to the high trust to them confided, as to vote that a simple, constitutional aversion to Slavery shall disqualify a man for holding office. Be they who they may, they will have richly deserved the execrations of their outraged constituents.—N. Y. Tribune.