The Massachusetts Spy

From the Philadelphia Inquirer.

FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.

Prior to the election of Andrew Jackson, the presses in opposition to the then administration, teemed with statements showing the abuses that had crept into, and the corruption which existed in the several departments of the government. The people became imbued with the feeling that extensive reform was necessary, and the members of Congress, upon its being so repeatedly urged upon them, imbibed the same opinion, and felt it their bounden duty to adopt some measures to satisfy the public mind by retrenching the expenses. A committee was appointed in anticipation of the election of the General, to enquire what means could be adopted to lessen the evil, and they reported that retrenchment was necessary and feasible, provided they could have the co-operation of an efficient and energetic executive. A resolution passed Congress, stating that the people had a right to expect a comprehensive scheme of retrenchment from the President, and it was met by that officer in his first message by a very broad view of the subject, and the admission that it was and should be the duty of the executive, to furnish a plan of reform adequate to the wishes of the people.

The committee waited patiently for the "comprehensive scheme" which was to grow out of the inquisition, and at length had the mortification to learn that not only was reduction of officers and retrenchment of expenses inexpedient and impolitic, but it was thought advisable and proper to increase the clerks and augment the expenses.

It was discovered that instead of being too many officers, there were not enough to suit the purposes of the new government! Not only did each department want more dependants, but the country needed new offices to be created! The General found he had too many friends for the patronage he possessed, and although he worked off one thousand by removals of former incumbents, yet the cry was "give, give" and fresh forces were crammed in upon the already surcharged departments.

An assistant Secretary of State, an additional Post Master, a Treasury Solicitor, twenty additional clerks in the Patent Office, twenty in the Post Office, which had already thirty-eight, ten additional to the eighteen in the Land Office, which had been reduced from twenty-four by the former administration, three hundred and forty-two additional to the Custom House, which then amounted to upwards of fifteen hundred, were asked for, and, with the exception of the two first named, were obtained, and thereby increasing the expenses of the executive department to an immense amount, over the expenses of the preceding administration.

Instead of reporting a decrease in expenditure, the very first year of his administration demanded a large appropriation for clerk hire, in addition to the sums regularly set apart for such purposes, as if in sheer mockery of the people, and either making drafts on their credulity in regard to the honesty of the military chieftain, or convicting them of folly in putting faith in electioneering fables. So much for retrenchment, and so much for a nation's gratitude for military services.

These are facts broad and incontestable: and, if General Jackson has not evinced more political cupidity, and labored more arduously to keep himself in power, and has not made the very utmost of the patronage of his office, no just conclusion can ever be had from any collection of circumstances.

Circumstances have occurred which prove that not only was quantity disregarded in the creation of offices, but quality was not esteemed worth notice. A convicted FELON now holds a responsible and important office under, and by appointment of General Jackson. This man was twice rejected by the Senate on the ground of his conviction, and now is receiving four dollars a day, notwithstanding the rejection, as an Indian Agent.

The General possesses, however, one quality, which, in the opinion of some, may entitle him to esteem. His pertinacity is such, that when he has made an appointment in pay for services rendered, and the individual intimates that he breathes alone through the nostrils of his Excellency, no act, no circumstance, can cause his removal. The charge of bribery is a venial offence—drunkenness is no exception—incapacity is moonshine. Those that now hold offices for this quality, may esteem him; they are certain of the loaves and fishes so long as they adulate; and he believes them, and retains through their exertions, his seat firmly. Let the people think of these things.

According to the Jackson papers, the Jackson party is not only the most ignorant, but the most corrupt, that ever existed. In the recent elections in Albany, Philadelphia, and Baltimore Jacksonmen are said to have been bought up by the Clay party at so much a head—and in Baltimore, those who did not sell themselves, are pronounced by the Jackson press so ignorant as not to have known on which side to vote.

These are hard compliments among brethren of the same party—but as they know each other best, we have no right to dispute the correctness of the estimate they set on their own characters. We should, however, be sorry to belong to a party, the members of which have to be watched to prevent their being bribed. Had we spoken so harshly of the Jackson party, we should have been charged with gross slander and injustice—but coming from their own editors, it is submitted to without a murmur.

Baltimore Chronicle.