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Editorial
November 27, 1809
Portland Gazette, And Maine Advertiser
Portland, Cumberland County, Maine
What is this article about?
Editorial criticizes the National Intelligencer for inflammatory rhetoric against British ambassador Jackson, warns against provoking war over diplomatic insults, opposes renewed embargo as leading to economic ruin and potential conflict with Britain, urging caution in foreign affairs.
OCR Quality
85%
Good
Full Text
Communication.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
EMBARGO-HARD.
The editor of the National Intelligencer, the posterior end of the Baron du quelque chose, the buck hat for the Gazette to cool the blast, before the signal was given, would be stayed his masters into inflammable vein once, which they would wish wrong. The alarm was given, the troops attended, in the hurry and ferment of the supposed ascendency gained and it ever called from the centre to the confines of the Union, carrying venomous poison, and yelling aloud on our throne/company, to avenge the insults offered by a foreign minister to 'our Prince' and his adherents.
The windy agitation having subsided, his masters told him that he was premature, & cautioned him to beware never again to 'let off' on half cock. He now comes forth in mild and pacific numbers, & quotes elaborately from the pages of Vattel, and tells you how sacred are the persons and character of a foreign ambassador--how sacred 'is the honor of 'a prince''--and warns the 'barbecue' gentry, not to roast the minister before they have caught him--that the consequences might be fatal to themselves, and productive, perhaps, of very unhappy effects to our 'beloved' country. He alleges the crimes of Mr. Jackson to be of a very heinous nature; such 'implications,' and 'intimations,' as no 'prince' can receive from a foreign minister, without the sacrifice of national dignity, honor, and glory. Says Vattel, 'Czar Peter I. complained, in his Manifesto against Sweden, for not having fired the cannon on his passage to Riga. He might think it strange, that they did not pay him this mark of respect, and he might complain of it, but to make this the cause of War, was being extremely prodigal of human blood.' What is our Czar about to do? The ambassador of the only free and independent nation (unless ours be such now in existence) has presumed to approach our Court, and to intimate to the Lord Chancellor, that his government was not perfidious; that the former minister had probably exceeded his instructions, and that he might have some little reason for believing that Mr. Smith knew it, from the copy of a letter left in the hands of Mr. J. by Mr. E. He 'insinuated' as much, he 'intimated' as much--he 'implicated' no more. His manly avowal is, that he intended not to impeach the Government of the United States, but to justify his own. Shall the pacific ambassador of a free government sit still and hear his own country blasted with perfidy? And may he not, without evil intentions, attempt a justification of that government of which he is the organ and representative? Citizens, beware of false conclusions, mark the result when all shall appear; hear the whole truth; judge you then who is the offender, and who the offended. But if a foreign nation does not choose to pay homage, this is not ground for war, says Vattel. To make war in such a case, would indeed be 'extremely prodigal of human blood.' Is this, then, only a trick in those who rule, to provoke England to a contest? to do her an injury in her ambassador which she must resent! Will it satisfy the people, that we should have war, even if a minister has out-stepped the bounds of decency--even if he has in turn, criminated, implicated, or insinuated? Great Britain came forward, as we believe, in a sincere disposition to settle all our differences honorably: to make atonement where due. And can we find no better cause of war than an altercation between an ambassador and a secretary? We would not put up with an indignity from any nation, but let us not be the first to give the affront. When the cup of reconciliation is drained to its dregs, Britain must, and will declare war. Although she has nothing to gain, we have every thing to lose.
Embargo, Non-Intercourse, Embargo, War--This is the natural progressive or rather retrograde movement of our government. We have experienced a fifteen months' starvation and embargo--we have been chained by one leg since with a non-intercourse. The government is now convening--what is the next measure? Embargo. What follows? ask the thousands you supplied with food and raiment last winter. They will tell you that embargo and distress are synonymous. What will close the scene? War, Ruin! The democrats laugh while you talk of another embargo--true, they smile, and while they smile deceive. Why have vessels recently increased in value? why are the southern merchants dispatching their vessels with such precipitancy? was the like ever known before, at New-York, Baltimore and so on! Yes, but only once, and this was the certain harbinger of Embargo. Have the strange revolutions of the season indicated a tremendous and icy winter? May be so; but more cold and fettering to commerce, industry and enterprise, is that thing called Embargo. On Fahrenheit's scale it takes you in full health and vigor at temperate heat, when the juices freely flow and nature is sane and frolicsome, down to deadening and benumbing twenty degrees below nothing. Your faculties are frozen--circulation ceases, and although you breathe, you cannot live. Enterprise and industry are paralyzed as by the touch of a living torpedo. But, say the democrats, if we have another embargo it will be popular--it shall continue but thirty days, and every patriotic American will consent to this. Yes, fellow-citizens, if you consent to have the chains riveted again, do not complain if you wear them forever. There is happiness, said Baron Trenck, even in a dungeon:--there may be contentment, then, in slavery.
The character of an Ambassador is sacred--'In him you behold a nation.' Will you treat him with contumely? will you throw down the gauntlet that the challenge must be accepted? Will you go to war now to avenge your insulted honor? The chastity of the state--where is it? Ask the seducing, winning Terreau--did he court you with his smiles or frighten you with his whiskers? O, love-sick maid! altho' you could not retain your first lover, be not ungrateful to your second. Be kind, if you cannot be magnanimous.
PORTLAND.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
EMBARGO-HARD.
The editor of the National Intelligencer, the posterior end of the Baron du quelque chose, the buck hat for the Gazette to cool the blast, before the signal was given, would be stayed his masters into inflammable vein once, which they would wish wrong. The alarm was given, the troops attended, in the hurry and ferment of the supposed ascendency gained and it ever called from the centre to the confines of the Union, carrying venomous poison, and yelling aloud on our throne/company, to avenge the insults offered by a foreign minister to 'our Prince' and his adherents.
The windy agitation having subsided, his masters told him that he was premature, & cautioned him to beware never again to 'let off' on half cock. He now comes forth in mild and pacific numbers, & quotes elaborately from the pages of Vattel, and tells you how sacred are the persons and character of a foreign ambassador--how sacred 'is the honor of 'a prince''--and warns the 'barbecue' gentry, not to roast the minister before they have caught him--that the consequences might be fatal to themselves, and productive, perhaps, of very unhappy effects to our 'beloved' country. He alleges the crimes of Mr. Jackson to be of a very heinous nature; such 'implications,' and 'intimations,' as no 'prince' can receive from a foreign minister, without the sacrifice of national dignity, honor, and glory. Says Vattel, 'Czar Peter I. complained, in his Manifesto against Sweden, for not having fired the cannon on his passage to Riga. He might think it strange, that they did not pay him this mark of respect, and he might complain of it, but to make this the cause of War, was being extremely prodigal of human blood.' What is our Czar about to do? The ambassador of the only free and independent nation (unless ours be such now in existence) has presumed to approach our Court, and to intimate to the Lord Chancellor, that his government was not perfidious; that the former minister had probably exceeded his instructions, and that he might have some little reason for believing that Mr. Smith knew it, from the copy of a letter left in the hands of Mr. J. by Mr. E. He 'insinuated' as much, he 'intimated' as much--he 'implicated' no more. His manly avowal is, that he intended not to impeach the Government of the United States, but to justify his own. Shall the pacific ambassador of a free government sit still and hear his own country blasted with perfidy? And may he not, without evil intentions, attempt a justification of that government of which he is the organ and representative? Citizens, beware of false conclusions, mark the result when all shall appear; hear the whole truth; judge you then who is the offender, and who the offended. But if a foreign nation does not choose to pay homage, this is not ground for war, says Vattel. To make war in such a case, would indeed be 'extremely prodigal of human blood.' Is this, then, only a trick in those who rule, to provoke England to a contest? to do her an injury in her ambassador which she must resent! Will it satisfy the people, that we should have war, even if a minister has out-stepped the bounds of decency--even if he has in turn, criminated, implicated, or insinuated? Great Britain came forward, as we believe, in a sincere disposition to settle all our differences honorably: to make atonement where due. And can we find no better cause of war than an altercation between an ambassador and a secretary? We would not put up with an indignity from any nation, but let us not be the first to give the affront. When the cup of reconciliation is drained to its dregs, Britain must, and will declare war. Although she has nothing to gain, we have every thing to lose.
Embargo, Non-Intercourse, Embargo, War--This is the natural progressive or rather retrograde movement of our government. We have experienced a fifteen months' starvation and embargo--we have been chained by one leg since with a non-intercourse. The government is now convening--what is the next measure? Embargo. What follows? ask the thousands you supplied with food and raiment last winter. They will tell you that embargo and distress are synonymous. What will close the scene? War, Ruin! The democrats laugh while you talk of another embargo--true, they smile, and while they smile deceive. Why have vessels recently increased in value? why are the southern merchants dispatching their vessels with such precipitancy? was the like ever known before, at New-York, Baltimore and so on! Yes, but only once, and this was the certain harbinger of Embargo. Have the strange revolutions of the season indicated a tremendous and icy winter? May be so; but more cold and fettering to commerce, industry and enterprise, is that thing called Embargo. On Fahrenheit's scale it takes you in full health and vigor at temperate heat, when the juices freely flow and nature is sane and frolicsome, down to deadening and benumbing twenty degrees below nothing. Your faculties are frozen--circulation ceases, and although you breathe, you cannot live. Enterprise and industry are paralyzed as by the touch of a living torpedo. But, say the democrats, if we have another embargo it will be popular--it shall continue but thirty days, and every patriotic American will consent to this. Yes, fellow-citizens, if you consent to have the chains riveted again, do not complain if you wear them forever. There is happiness, said Baron Trenck, even in a dungeon:--there may be contentment, then, in slavery.
The character of an Ambassador is sacred--'In him you behold a nation.' Will you treat him with contumely? will you throw down the gauntlet that the challenge must be accepted? Will you go to war now to avenge your insulted honor? The chastity of the state--where is it? Ask the seducing, winning Terreau--did he court you with his smiles or frighten you with his whiskers? O, love-sick maid! altho' you could not retain your first lover, be not ungrateful to your second. Be kind, if you cannot be magnanimous.
PORTLAND.
What sub-type of article is it?
Foreign Affairs
Economic Policy
War Or Peace
What keywords are associated?
Embargo
Non Intercourse
Ambassador Jackson
Foreign Minister
War Provocation
British Relations
Economic Distress
Vattel
What entities or persons were involved?
National Intelligencer
Mr. Jackson
Mr. Smith
Vattel
Great Britain
Democrats
Baron Trenck
Terreau
Editorial Details
Primary Topic
Opposition To Embargo And War Over Diplomatic Dispute With British Ambassador Jackson
Stance / Tone
Cautionary And Critical Of Government Provocation And Economic Restrictions
Key Figures
National Intelligencer
Mr. Jackson
Mr. Smith
Vattel
Great Britain
Democrats
Baron Trenck
Terreau
Key Arguments
Alarmist Rhetoric Against Jackson Was Premature And Inflammatory
Diplomatic Insults From Ambassador Do Not Justify War, Per Vattel
Jackson Sought To Justify Britain Without Impeaching Us Government
Renewed Embargo Will Cause Economic Distress And Lead To War
Government Policies Progress From Embargo To Non Intercourse To Ruin
Britain Seeks Honorable Settlement; Us Should Avoid Provocation
Ambassador's Character Is Sacred; Avoid Contumely To Prevent Conflict