Edwardsville Spectator

FOR THE SPECTATOR.

NO. II.

MR. PRINTER,

Considering the strength of the slave party in this state, we must look on whatever exertions that are made by them to lull those of the opposite way of thinking, into security, as a snare laid by which to subvert the liberties of the state. It is not a great while since you noticed in your paper, a party formed at Washington, whose object was, through the instrumentality of some of our leading citizens, to get slavery introduced into our state. Your early sounding the tocsin of alarm, I have reason to believe, frustrated, for the time, their diabolical plan; but to suppose that they have entirely given it up, would be paying but a sorry compliment to their ingenuity and perseverance. It was only postponed for a time, to rally their forces, and the more effectually to lay their plans. The next general election seems to be the time fixed upon to make the desperate effort. I am sorry to see such an apathy existing among the citizens at large on this subject. Although a large majority of them are evidently opposed to slavery, they seem to think it no ways dangerous to place over themselves rulers, who are of a quite opposite way of thinking--presuming, no doubt, that these rulers will not dare to act contrary to the wishes of their constituents. But this is a fatal error, and the experience of last winter might have taught them that it is dangerous to trust men without first testing their political principles. Had the censuring of our senators been made a criterion before the last election, no doubt, before this, they would have had an invitation to resign, and a man of more consequence than Mr. Blackwell would have been the mover of the resolution. But this I consider as a secondary consideration, to the deep game, which, I have reason to believe, is intended to be played on us after the next election. The vote of our senators, with respect to the admission of Missouri, did not materially injure the state of Illinois, but it degraded her standing as a free state; yet I am willing that we should bear with a lesser, in order to evade a greater evil. A combination now seems to be formed, and that in the opposite party, to renew their efforts to introduce slavery into this state itself. It may not be known to all your readers, that previous to the close of the past session of the legislature, a treaty offensive and defensive was duly entered into between the prime leader of the slave party (Judge P.) on the one side, and the ministerial officers of the state, including the contemptible juggler from Crawford, and several other members of the legislature, on the other side. The object of this treaty is, that the whole power of the ministry, and their adherents, is to support the judge, at the next election, for governor. So much for log rolling--and so much can opinion bend to interest. It is well known that the judge always affected to, and no doubt really did, despise from his heart, the very men he is now connected with. But any thing to effect his two favorite objects: sitting in the governor's chair, and introducing slavery into this state. But it may be asked, "can the exertions of one man accomplish this object?" Take this in the abstract, it might be answered, No. But then it must be remembered that a considerable party in this state are really in favor of slavery; that a great many have no opinion on the subject; and that the head men of the party he is now connected with have always had a hankering that way, but wanted a chief of sufficient ability and courage to lead them on to the accomplishment of their object. If the next election is conducted like the last, and no notice taken of what the candidates' opinions are on this all-important subject, we may expect an exactly similar legislature to the last, which can be moulded into any shape by this Tennessee conjurer, particularly if he fills the chair of state: for pleasant words and good dinners have a wonderful effect on the intellects of such men as are too often chosen to represent the people. A legislature of this kind could easily be flattered and stuffed with the belief, that it was necessary to call a convention--and this convention, if composed of similar materials, might, by the same mode of reasoning, be made to believe, that it was absolutely necessary to tolerate slavery. And as it is not customary to send amended constitutions to congress for ratification, we might ever after look on Illinois as a slave state. Citizens of Illinois! You are called upon to investigate the subject, and judge for yourselves. To every man belongs a part of the government of the state, and to every man this government ought to be dear. You have eyes--you have ears, and you have the faculty of judging aright; and if you find the present candidate for governor, of contrary principles to what I have represented them to be, then I will join you in his support. But if you find that he always has been a determined advocate of slavery, then discard him from your counsels, as a man dangerous to the liberties of the state. But, for Heaven's sake, do not sleep on your posts, and let this eventful crisis pass away without giving it that consideration which its importance deserves.

One of the People.