The National Intelligencer And Washington Advertiser

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 20.

DEFENCE OF THE COUNTRY.

The SECRETARY AT WAR moved the order of the day for going into a committee to take into consideration his majesty's most gracious message, communicated on Saturday, relative to the more effectual defence of the country.

The House accordingly resolved itself into a committee.

The SECRETARY AT WAR then rose and addressed the committee in substance as follows—

In calling the attention of the committee on the subject of his majesty's message, communicated on Saturday, I will, before I proceed to any details, to say a few words on the main objects of that message. The objects which it points out to us are, first, the adoption of steps for making more effectual provision for the security of the country against those threats of invasion which are so openly avowed by the enemy; and secondly, for enabling his majesty to employ such a force for offensive operations as may be deemed to a more vigorous prosecution of the war. I do not think, Sir, that it will be necessary for me to employ much argument to prove that, at such a conjuncture as the present, it is the bounden duty of Parliament to make such a provision for the national security as the circumstances in which the country is placed appear to require. In providing for this security it is necessary to take into consideration the actual state of our present means of preparation, and the means of offence which now exist in the hands of the enemy. Looking then to this object, I believe that no gentleman will be disposed to deny that a very considerable addition ought to be made to our present military establishment.—In saying this, I beg it to be understood, Sir, that I allude to the times in which it is our lot to live, to the new and unprecedented circumstances in which the country is placed, to the extraordinary character and conduct of that person who is the sole depository of the power, the resources, the population of the French republic. In other times, and under other circumstances, adverting to common difficulties and common dangers incidental to a state of war, I have no difficulty in declaring it to be firmly my private opinion, that our army on its present actual footing, or as it will stand in a very short period, and with a fleet commanding the absolute sovereignty of the sea, we should be entitled to hold in complete contempt any threats of invasion which the enemy might be directed to hold forth. When I say this, Sir, I mean to apply it not to G. Britain alone, but to Ireland, but to all the dependencies of the British empire. In other times, and in other circumstances, an attempt at invasion would, as now, experience the eminent peril, that all those composing the armament would be sent to the bottom of the sea, or if they were fortunate enough to be able to attempt a landing, they would be dashed in pieces by the cannon, and the arms of those brave men who were ranged on the coast to prevent their approach

But in adverting to the present times and the present circumstances, it is needless for me to impress on the minds of the committee the necessity of taking much more enlarged and comprehensive views. We have heard, and that too on the highest authority, what the views of the present governors of France are with respect to this country. We have within these few days heard what has been the declarations made by a number of French generals in offering themselves to accompany the Great Consul in the vessel which was to carry to this country the destinies and the vengeance of the republic. What the destinies of France may be I shall not pretend to determine. All that every friend to the tranquility of mankind can wish is, that they may ultimately lead to the happiness, the justice, and the freedom of the French people, as well as to the restoration of those principles on which entirely depend the repose of Europe. With respect to the other part of the cargo I have no hesitation in saying that is of a very different description. We are told that it is to consist of the vengeance of France against this country. That the First Consul will introduce his vengeance on board this ship, in which, with the generals to whom I have alluded, he will take his passage, I have no manner of doubt; or that he is animated with the most ardent desire of introducing this vengeance. I think there is as little reason not to believe. I verily believe, Sir, that if ever Bonaparte attempts a passage across the channel, and desperately endeavors to land on our coasts, he will find the passage more tremendous than the passage over the Styx, so beautifully described by one of the finest poets of antiquity.

"Strabant orantes primi transmittere curum,
"Tendebantque manus ripae ulterioris amore,
"Fata obstent, tristisque palus inamabilis unda,
"Alligat, et novies Styx interfusa coercet."

In this House and in the country I am sure that I only speak the sentiments of the great majority when I say, that the First consul of France cherishes as the object dearest to his heart, the destruction of the essential interests, the independence, the very existence of this country. These views have been too distinctly developed and clearly understood to render it necessary for me to enter into any argument on the subject. These views cannot be better explained than by stating them shortly as tending to the degradation of Great Britain from the rank which he has long held among the commonwealths of Europe, to her ultimate reduction to the debased condition of vassalage to France. What may be the result of the views of an individual of the character which the First Consul of France possesses, I shall not take upon me to say, for it is only easy to determine what can be imputed to the workings of a mind influenced much more by considerations of personal and false glory, than by plans of real advantage. But, directed as he was by considerations of this nature, irregular and extraordinary as was his whole conduct, it is not less necessary to watch against the consequences of the mad paroxysms of his ambition, than the more concealed measures of characters of a very opposite description.

When we hope, Sir, of seeing armies and fleets being sacrificed in the project of invading this country; when we hear that no repulse, however successful, will divert him from his plan of injuring this country, and that he considers no sacrifice too great, even when he himself confesses, that the chance of his landing a few thousand men on our shores are greatly against him, when we know this, Sir, that it is the solemn bounden duty of government to submit to the considerations of Parliament the propriety of taking more effectual steps to place the country in a state of complete security against enmity, however violent, and views of hostility however dangerous. It is, Sir, on these principles, that I have now risen to address the committee, and it is on these considerations that I hope the plan which I shall now submit to them, will appear one analogous to the circumstances in which the country is placed. This plan is, that an additional body of fifty thousand men shall be raised, assembled and organised, with all possible expedition. Of this additional force, it is proposed, that forty thousand shall be raised in Great Britain, and ten thousand in Ireland. It is intended that they shall be assembled with the least possible delay, and immediately be placed under the command of military officers of approved character and experience.—With respect to the characters of the officers, however, I shall not at present say any thing further, as I shall before I sit down have occasion to revert to the subject. With this force in existence, I trust, Sir, that under the blessings of Providence we shall be placed in a state of complete security against any attack on the part of the enemy, while we shall have application to offensive purpose, a very disposable force. On this part of the subject I wish particularly to solicit the attention of the Committee. I believe it is not necessary for me to waste any time of the Committee in attempting to prove that the consequences of such a system must be highly beneficial. It has, Sir, been too much the subject of regret, that at the commencement of war the state of our military preparations has never at all corresponded with the means or exertions which the country possessed. At the commencement of the late war this advantage was fully experienced. At that time the state of our military power was not at all in proportion with our general resources, with the other means of annoyance which we possessed. As far as I understand our present military system, I think that an important change, sooner or later, cannot be avoided. This is not, indeed, the time for instituting any changes in this very important department of the public service. Such changes can with propriety only be introduced in a period of general tranquility, but the whole system ought, as soon as possible, to be probed to the bottom, and I trust that when ever a fair opportunity is presented, it will meet with due consideration from parliament I have merely adverted to this subject accidentally, but now return to the subject more directly under the consideration of the committee.

In the plan which I shall now have the honor of stating to the committee, there are three leading principles. The first is, that a large additional force should be, as speedily as possible, collected for the security of the kingdom. The second consideration is, that the services of said body of forces so raised, shall be extended to every part of the united kingdom. In defence of that part of this system, it is not necessary for me to employ many words. Since the union with Ireland the identity of the two countries is established, and by extending the army of reserve to Ireland, a much larger body of the regular troops will be left applicable to any purpose which may require a regular force. The third principle to which I wish to advert is, that the levies shall be conducted in a manner as little burthensome as possible to the country. It is on these principles that I now go on to explain the details of the plan, by which a very large additional force is to be established. As to the age of those to be included, it is meant all males from the age of eighteen to forty five, shall come under its operation. This army, when levied, shall be immediately assembled, and brought into a state of proper discipline under officers to whom I shall presently have occasion to advert. I have already said, that the services of this body, whom I shall characterize by the name of the Army of Reserve, are to be extended to every part of the united kingdom. I have stated the principle on which the extension is proposed; and when I add that it is meant to extend their services to the islands of Jersey and Guernsey, I am confident, that no gentleman can have any reasonable ground of objection. As to the time to which their services is to extend, it has been judged expedient that for ballotted men, the period should be four years, and for those acting as substitutes, the period was to be for a similar period, or for six months after the conclusion of a treaty of peace. The mode in which the ballot is to be conducted, is to be similar to the ballot of the militia, as far as they are applicable, all the regulations relative to the assembling of the militia, are to be adhered to. I will very shortly state the grounds on which such an arrangement has been adopted. The ballot, sir, appeared the most correct and speedy way of procuring the services. I do not mean to say that voluntary offers of service may not be found of high importance, and adopted to a very considerable extent. On the contrary, I entertain a perfect conviction that the people of this country are sufficiently aware of the importance of the struggle in which we are now engaged. They are aware that the war in which we are so justly and so necessarily engaged, is a war involving all that is most sacred, all that is dearest to man. I know when these feelings are properly excited there will be no want of national spirit, no deficiency of ardour in supporting a cause involving interests of so important a nature. I know what has been done in a great national cause in former times. I can look to the experience of the public spirit of the Country in the time of king William, when, in less than six weeks, thirty battalions were organized for the public service. At the same time, sir, giving the highest credit to the spirit, the zeal, and the loyal ty of the country, I think it necessary for me to state, that it has been judged expedient to follow the system of the militia ballot, as the speediest and the most effectual mode of raising the necessary supplies. I recollect, sir, what took place in 1757, on the system for calling on each parish to furnish a certain quota of men for manning the navy. At that time the number proposed to be raised was even thousand. The fact however turned out to be that not more than fourteen hundred were made applicable to the public service. It is from the knowledge of the plan being thus inefficacious, that I am induced not to resort to it, with the view of facilitating the measure which I now propose. The next point to which I wish to direct the attention of the committee is, the manner in which it is proposed that the appointment of the officers shall be conducted. On this point I have a few observations to offer to the committee. I think, generally, that it is highly important, in appointing officers, not to resort to those who have a qualification to be appointed officers in the Militia regiments. We know, sir, already, that in consequence of the augmentation of the militia to seventy thousand, there has been a necessity of recurring to the appointment of officers not recognized by the original laws of the militia. In the late war, sir, we found a similar inconvenience. As now, we were obliged to have recourse to similar resources, and having said that, I consider their further adoption highly impolitic, I shall beg leave to state the sources from which I conceive that an adequate number of able officers may be procured. The committee cannot have forgotten that, at the conclusion of the late war, twenty battalions of troops, whose term of service was limited to a particular period, were disbanded. Of the officers employed in so very considerable a body of troops, though a number were afterwards employed in the army, yet it is proper for me to state, that a very large proportion are now unemployed, and ready to proffer their services at so perilous a moment. From this body of men, a very large proportion of able and zealous officers might, without the smallest difficulty be obtained. But there were many other channels from which officers for the army of reserve may be procured. We have, sir, the whole body of the half-pay officers, among whom, I am sure, are to be found individuals whose talents and whose services entitle them to be employed at a moment when whatever there exists of talent ought to be made subservient to the public interest. But there are various other sources from which we can derive a supply of excellent officers. There are many gentlemen whose domestic connections, and whose essential interests do not permit them to continue in the army at a time when foreign service is rendered essential. These considerations we cannot fail to respect, and no one can doubt their readiness to take the most active part in the general service of their country, if there was any proper field out of their honor and interests. In this quarter I am sure that I anticipate all that the most sanguine expectation can hope for. I bring those officers who have for a long time served in the pay of the East India Company; there are many officers now in this country who, I am confident, would willingly offer their services at the present moment. If it should be found necessary we can also recur to the services of the officers of the Militia Regiments, who during last war distinguished themselves in Ireland, and who, in point of knowledge of all the details of military discipline, rank high among men of the first military character. I do not think that I am pressing this matter too far when I refer to the effectual assistance which in providing officers for the additional force to be raised, may be drawn from the staff for carrying on the recruiting service. The gentleman who is now at the head of the department is, indeed sir, himself a host. The Recruiting Staff is on the whole so constituted, that for temporary purposes, and with a view of introducing the new levies in the first instance, they could not fail of proving of the most effectual service. While I am enumerating so many sources, from which supplies of officers may be derived, I cannot pass over the corps of Marines, a body of men whose conduct has, on all occasions, been worthy of the highest admiration, and who, during the late war, discovered such claims to the respect and gratitude of their country. From these officers on half pay in this most valuable body, a most important augmentation of the national strength might be effected. It may be objected, sir, and I am, in some measure prepared for the objection, that according to the principles which I lay down, the same sort of principle ought to have been extended to the Irish Militia. My answer to this objection is short, though decisive. When the General Militia Bill was last before Parliament, the object was merely to simplify and methodize the existing laws, and therefore a Bill which professes to be brought in on very different principles, and for different objects, ought at least, whatever encouragement and approbation it met with, not to be confounded with another system of a very different nature. Having gone through these less important details, it is now my duty to describe how the plan is to be reduced to practice. I begin with explaining how the number to be provided for are to be drawn. For the counties of England there are not much upwards of thirty thousand, which is nearly the amount of what the Militia were when in profound peace, and before the augmentations of the Supplementary Militia took place. It is meant, sir, that the city of London, the Tower Hamlets, and the Cinque Ports, which have not hitherto contributed to the Militia, shall furnish somewhat above three thousand more, Scotland is to furnish six thousand as a fair proportion ; and ten thousand are to be raised in Ireland, as the proportion to be furnished by that part of the United Kingdom. On this part of the subject I wish to direct the attention of the committee to the actual state of the demand for military purposes at present, and during the late war. I wish the committee to see, and fairly to consider what was the proportion of the population then called for, and now demanded for the public security. The fact is, that during the late war the Militia of Great Britain, including fourteen thousand forces, which, however, were never properly employed, was equal to a hundred and fourteen thousand men. Now reckoning for England seventy thousand Militia, for Scotland eight thousand, for Ireland eighteen thousand, as the law now stands, the whole will be found to be a force not more considerable than was furnished at a time when reasons for exertion were not so evidently urgent. On the score of the pressure of the measure, I think, therefore, I have shewn that it is not liable to any particular objection. I come now, sir, to advert to a very important part of the plan. I mean to refer to the exemptions which it has been thought proper to establish. In whatever exemptions I shall propose, I have endeavoured to keep, as nearly as possible, sight of the provisions adopted when the bill for calling out the supplementary Militia was published. In the exemptions which I have now to mention, I shall deviate in as few instances as possible. It is hardly necessary for me to state, that all officers in his Majesty's service, that all privates connected with any particular regiment; that all officers on the half-pay, and all privates in the same situation, shall not be subject to the ballot. The next class of exemptions to which I shall advert, is the case of the resident members of the two Universities. In Scotland the resident members, of the Scotch Universities are to be exempted by a clause in their own militia bill. The clergy holding livings, and licensed preachers are as formerly to enjoy an exemption. I am sensible, sir, that in alluding to this last class of exemptions, it will be necessary for me to say a few words in the way of explanation. I have to observe generally then, is, that while the principle of toleration, which has been religiously preserved since the accession of the Brunswick family to the throne, will be respected, care shall be taken to prevent the repetition of abuses which have been deservedly the subject of complaint. The artificers in his majesty's dock-yards are as usual to be exempted. All poor persons having more than one child under age of ten years, are also to be exempted from the operation of the plan. As to yeomanry and volunteers, I cannot but express myself in the warmest terms of their important services to the country. No man is more ready than I am to do justice to their disinterested and patriotic conduct. No man can speak of them with more respect and affection. At the same time, sir, when speaking of a measure, which will operate with such considerable pressure, it is proper that in forming exemptions, we should not go beyond what fairness and justice should prescribe. Applying this principle to the volunteers, it is understood, that the exemption shall extend only to those corps which were actually introduced on the day when his majesty's last message was delivered. To this extent the exemption appeared founded on fairness and justice. But to extend it farther might have the appearance of undue partiality. Having so long occupied the attention of the House, I have now only to add a few more observations. I conceive, sir, that the measure which is now proposed to the Committee, is one, which if carried into effect, will alike support the glory of the country in the prosecution of the contest, and tend to bring it to a speedy termination. I believe, I shall not be contradicted, when I say, that there is no more effectual way of carrying on the contest with honor and glory to the country, than by placing in the hands of government such a large disposable force as the measure which I have been recommending is calculated to afford. On the other hand, the effect of such a system in shortening the system, cannot be less conclusive. I need not remind the Committee how much stress has been laid on the war, which was waged against our financial resources. Happily, sir, we have already made such arrangements as will effectually defeat his projects in this respect, and we have now, only, to teach him, that if he was disappointed in his views of gaining any advantage over us, by endeavoring to ruin us by a war of finance, he was equally erroneous in his calculations, when he supposed, that the energy and the resources of the country were not equal to every emergency. I firmly believe, sir, that the adoption of this, or of one similar measure, will not only have the effect of discouraging Bonaparte, that his wild and ferocious schemes must be frustrated, but that it must enable us to attack him in some of his weak and vulnerable points, and with all his appearance of power, weak and vulnerable points he does have, and ultimately force him, instead of looking abroad to the destruction of foreign nations, to survey his own internal situation, which was much more precarious than he was perhaps at present disposed to imagine. I believe, sir, that the system for which I have been contending, would produce perfect security at home, and by convincing the First Consul of France that the spirit of Englishmen never can be subdued, induce him to listen to proposals of an amicable description. The right hon. Gentleman concluded his very able speech by moving first for an Address to his majesty, thanking him for his gracious message, and assuring him of cordial support. The motion was agreed to nem. con. He next moved that the Chairman be instructed to move for leave to bring in a bill for raising a large additional force for the more effectual defence of the country and the more vigorous prosecution of the war.