The Kentucky Gazette

Mr. BRADFORD.

Upon perusing some of your late papers, I met with some publications signed A, B, C. in which he attempts to ridicule and explode the very notion of Committees; and by his insinuations charges them with obstructing the free suffrage of the people, at our annual elections: with forming Chimney Corner Constitutions; and with a Minority endeavouring to impose the same upon the majority &c. and then upon the foundation of these artful insinuations, and groundless surmises he builds his arguments of the dangerous consequence of Committees. But is not this gentleman rather premature in his conjectures respecting the intentions of committees? On what has he founded his surmises? Are they not the creatures of his own brain, as committees had not at that time so much as published their designs? Nor has he produced any instance in which they have ever proved dangerous to the liberties of the people. If I should, upon Common Fame, alledge, that Mr, A. B. C. defrauded a number of men in one county, and stole a Horse in another, and then hold forth to the people that he was consequently a very dangerous person; would he look upon this as sound Logic!

He further saith, Whether these Committees can be most safely trusted, or a general convention composed of our wisest and best men, regularly chosen under the direction of Law, I leave every individual to determine for himself.

Here he seems to signify, that wise men, or good men, cannot miss being chosen at our Elections tho'. it is evident that those who are most liberal with their grog generally carries the election. But perhaps he may look upon wise men, good men, and rich men, as Synonymous terms. If this is the case, he writes perfectly consistent with himself; For the Rich is always able to produce the greatest quantity of Spiritous Liquors in order to bribe the electors and by this means to be elected. When we revolted from England, it was not the inexistence of Laws only, that induced our leaders to encourage Committees; They well knew that if Elections were carried on in the same manner they now are the Tories being generally the most wealthy, could be most liberal of Spiritous liquors: and by this means push themselves into places of honor and profit.

I am far from undervaluing Annual elections. I view it as a most inestimable privilege. But I lament to see it so amazingly corrupted; and I think it dangerous at this time, to risque our liberty and that of our posterity upon this often pillar of ivy. I think it is calculated to joist us into an Aristocratic government or of establishing a government in the hands of a few wealthy men I apprehend that our constitution ought to be consistent with our bill of rights: and in this all the United States nearly agree; all say that all power originates in the people, and all officers amenable to them. But what saith the actions of rich men? Actions speak louder than words: and faith not. notwithstanding this just declaration of the rights of mankind, stands our wealth gives us great influence, we will by indirect measures, wind the power chiefly into our own hands; we will order matters so that annual elections shall be held at one place in each county; and we will not let the suffrage of the people be taken by ballot, that we may influence them by fear, favor, or affection. And we know that though a majority of the people will not attend at so great a distance; yet we know that a great many will come out, and give their vote, for sake of a handsome treat. We will also plead for an upper house, and let this upper house though composed of comparatively a small number, be invested with the power of passing a negative on the bills passed by the lower house, consisting of six to one. We know that though the lower house has the name of Legislators they are only Clerks to do our drudgery and prepare bills for us, which we can reject at our pleasure if they do not suit us, men of wealth. And by these indirect means, we will always keep the balance of power in our own hands.

If an upper House or senate, should have the power, each one of them of passing a negative on six times the number of the Assembly, equally elected by the people as their Representatives; should not then the upper house, each one of them, be endowed with six times the wisdom and the honesty of each one in the lower house; and if they are possessed with such superior wisdom and virtue,-certainly they may do the whole business themselves and prevent the expenses arising to government, from an Assembly or lower house.

Mr. A. B. C. talks of assembling all the people in a large plain, in order to form a Constitution; and Common Sense says, were this method practicable it would be most just and safe for the people. But is there no medium between a confused democracy, and using artful measures in order to cast the government in the hands of a few rich men.

---I would wish to see a clause in our Constitution, providing that county committees duly elected by the people, might have a power of passing a negative upon the bills passed by the Assembly; and would not this be a more reasonable check in order to prevent hasty, unjust, and oppressive measures, than having the power of a negative invested in the hands of a few great men; and this would be consistent with our bill of rights. which ought to be strictly adhered to; For if the executive parts of a Constitution, deviates from its bill of rights; it is as great an error, as for a Legislative body to deviate from their Constitution. Notwithstanding the greatness of this error, we find it practised in the Southern states, whose bill of rights say all men are born equally free; but the executive part say-let the Negroes remain slaves And shall the blacks and whites remain contented with a bare declaration of the rights of mankind, without ever seeing them put into execution. Thus old custom and the danger of novelty, is plead in favor of an upper house; and the present mode of elections. The same argument might have been used in favor of a continued subjection to England, and would have been as valid as in the present case.

(To be continued)