The Enquirer

From a Late London Paper.

STATE OF THE BRITISH NATION.

A new division might be given of man, that he is the creature of the times. This is exemplified in the present ideas of continental alliances. The time has been when it was thought unworthy of the dignity and honour of this country to have recourse to them. Now all parties seem to pant after them. The truth, as usual, seems to us to lie in the middle. Allies are useful, if they are spontaneously and liberally offered. But if we must make sacrifices to obtain them, their disadvantage is certain, and their utility uncertain.

If when the continental powers saw Bonaparte enslaving Switzerland, occupying Hanover, seizing the duke of Enghien in a neutral territory to assassinate him, assuming the crown of Italy, and doing that a thousandth part of which would in better times have drawn upon him the united thunders of the confederated world, they had resented the insults offered to their dignity, and the strokes aimed at their independence, and joined their armies, as principals, in co-operation with our fleets, his ambition might have been repressed, and a prospect of a peace honorable to all parties might have been entertained. But if they have viewed this country during the last two years singly waging a fearful contest against the huge Leviathan, who is flouncing his formidable bulk into the ocean of universal empire, can we expect that they will now view the scene with less apathy? Will a few annual millions of subsidy sharpen their sense of honor, or point more effectually their powers of attack? Mercenaries are at best lukewarm in the cause which they are hired to support, and we have seen one of those powers generally ending the war in favor of the power against whom they have begun it. The policy of this country is clearly to receive an independent, honorable ally with open arms; but to spurn at an interested support, on which no dependence can ever be placed. "I do not like this half ally," who seeks equally to plunder his foe, and to impoverish his friend.

Of the intentions of Austria we think well—It is not in human nature to suppose that she can be well affected to France, who has added insult to plunder, who has stripped her of her possessions, and of her dignity. But she cannot act without security of effectual support from Prussia and Russia, not from one but from both. She is vulnerable on the north, on the South, and on the West; and prudence and caution are her present interests.

The politics of Prussia are not easily fathomed. She looks only to present security, she will not carry her views to permanent safety. We have more than once recommended a plan which ought to rouse her into exertion. She ought to be assisted in the possession of Holland and of Flanders; a project, which an easy arrangement would render palatable to Austria. Assuming at once a high rank as a maritime and continental power, she would, with the assistance of this country, check the career of the Corsican.

We may be blamed, but we cannot disguise our suspicions of the views of Russia. What has she done beyond manifestoes, which only prove the power and excite the ridicule of Bonaparte? She has, it is true, occupied the Island of Corfu. But does that measure threaten France, Austria, or Turkey? A whisper has been heard, that she demands Malta from us, as the price of her assistance! This would indeed be worth the risk of campaigns, for whether she succeed or not against France, she would have obtained the command of the Mediterranean for ever. But will a British ministry have the treachery to abandon Malta? Yes, we repeat it, the treachery? It is not possible! If Russia is sincere, she ought to have urged us to occupy Alexandria; a measure which can give no umbrage but give security to the Ottoman Porte. Russia may, in the course of a serious war acquire Mediterranean possessions from her enemies, while she is securing those of her friends. We need not point them out. A glance at the map of that sea, will fully explain our meaning.

There are indeed many objects, not only of security, but of aggrandizement, offered to the zealous co-operation of the powers of the continent; but if they will not be raised by sentiments of honor, or by motives of lasting interest—if they cling to the paltry hope of subsidiary bribes, the independence of the continent stands on a tottering foundation. Should this country lose the power of casting the broad aegis of her protection over the liberties of Europe, they must fall an unresisting, and let us add, an unpitied prey to the universal spoiler of the happiness of mankind.