The Patowmac Guardian, And Berkeley Advertiser

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES,

FELLOW CITIZENS.

Among the numerous hieroglyphics at this time in circulation, it is calculated to impose on the unwary, and bring sober men to the polls under the appearance of having that high office properly at the helm of the national administration. You will discover, that the friends even neglect of the union of federal government, you will find partializing elements in every governmental department; he bestrides the great pivot upon which at this time turned, and no doubt whoever is to fill the happy chair--by personal merit from his exalted station: by his influence from the many things at his disposal, by his participation in negotiating treaties and the prominent part he plays in diplomatic transactions, will retain his pre-eminent importance which we have found attached to the presidency under George Washington.

It remains then beware whom we clothe with this important trust.

The candidates that are spoken of for the Presidency are Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, whose claims not only to public view as previously and as consistently as possible, and their respective merits and demerits freely canvassed. As it is that our next President may be the man of the people and the object of their enlightened choice, and not merely the creature of a spirit of accommodation or intrigue among the electors. The electors should be the faithful agents of the people in this important business,--act in their light as the people would act were the President and Vice President elected immediately by them; and on no account, the people must rise mutually their own minds upon whom their suffrages or which candidates: the electors must be so indoctrinated with the sentiments of their constituents, and the people come to a knowledge of the opinions of the electoral candidates that in casting the important right of voting, they do not place their confidence in one who shall, in the all act required of him, give his vote in opposition to their views and wishes.

As a citizen of the United States, I have taken some pains to make up an opinion upon this important occasion, and have determined through the medium of the press to communicate the information I have collected, with such conclusions as press themselves on my mind. My attempt will provoke enquiry. I hope, if any researches do not produce conviction.

Early in my career of enquiry into the merits of the candidates for the President's chair, I came to this result, that John Adams is not a proper person for that station. Upon conversing with individuals upon the subject, they give as their opinion, that John Adams would not do, because he was a monarchist, an aristocrat, a friend to titles and distinctions among citizens. When I first heard these suggestions I set them down as the ebullitions of party; having however heard them frequently repeated, by persons too, whose age and standing I could not suspect of intemperance, I ventured to enquire what they grounded the assertion upon, and received for answer, on Adams's own book "A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America."

I never should have thought, from the title of the book, of looking there for aristocratical or monarchical notions: but having turned my attention to it in consequence of the information I received, I have found it, not a defence out in fact a libel upon our constitution; a continued eulogium upon the British form of government; a satire upon the people, and an elaborate contrivance to prove, that there can be no good government without distinct orders in it, viz. to multiply the people, the one, populace (the rabble) or commons, better sort, and again a third class people above the rest to wit family, velvet cushion which is down to luxury.

Indeed, the people prefer the government, do their heirs.

Public good is made it dingf
the word, that is about way.

It is in the manner a rent tearer essays to do

justice to Mr. Adams and his book; yet he ought to be known before the people of the United States proceed to vest him with the greatest trust under the constitution. A perusal of the work would not express domestic to a eo enveloped in

immense quotations and ceremonies that few readers we would lop ici ioveh gthewhale.

And fewer will find any thing they at 'ef ore

the high days c joum.to tate

thepitgiAR as'sqims homth ms

o erduion aihwall titemdeithan'heny

tak ; ardlam hoid to f m trom the nnitin 3

the perusal of the work produced upon me and the change it effected in my opinions of the man, that after a candid rumination thllad-

duce: tew trirnretort bs woit tnt hn

in the high fntin heis pisod on'ad in.

Prev o on q an winh Mn. ADAM's

wrines, la. I mt smre's a favorao opi-

nion ot am; tn opmion i te cupetly

changei, adlo pleaird am Iwrl laing cntn.

dexelved y the man's own book, that I i ould e

temped to mahe it a contitatiorsl iaw of m v tnr-

mojwealn, sh.t everv nlan who afspired at fil: g

the tf o ot tat. thouh' yuthth nis politial

crerdasNis auavshsdune

Lie. abaxsrt oghmt his worka warm pe-

neosiil f ne Bnith fum agveiment.Tms

Iu piove bv idlnig de qunatrons in poit

non his oorkand then, it wl be weli toexs-

mine what ni gocihurnt 1, that thus drass

forth h. w ra on f our aurhor.

" li Bngltia,, in relity, 11-nded rque-

ther the truoai nttins withthofe oithe Grecks

and Roman s and our ot a'l have mnde ht sols

compofiin v hch avoide the inconseniemes. aud ie-

lans i adcaotamsef lorh." Pape xxv. Pretace.

It mught Lare beenedilying i Mir PDaMS had

condelctnded to enumerate t.r the informarton of

his countrim in tht adrunluges ot rle firdaloflains

which it is to well to ineo'porete into a hte go-

vernnert.

" I he Eoglifh confritution is. in. theory, the m

Rupenduus jabr: i of taman nvention " P B. -o Vul T.

.i. is much to oe reg ered that E, mdond s

did not live to dif lav lis talents as a leg il tor ;

the w sld might p fhols bave leenilysed witi fame-

shig line an Loglithcontinution, twoor three dincu-

laiu vears loone than it was." 3?t V.l 1.

The reader is furtber reterred to P. g 95 ald 259

Yol 1. sc:

Wha rhen is this aabl e npirnthis auterias fa-

Brick of Foman brxenmn, ths p rapntxi ce

1o mun exoileu -A goverontnr ot Ane Lords

and Congs a Knd ano Untes in Dat a.Pity

the qualncations di the lug a stcrk in ihe tahle.

whoje butinels it is to ro 'sent when direcied

by the chiet juggler whem Mr. Aoays has kept

out othight, and give his roy.I fignaiure wlonre-

quired ; but who on the o nen hand for him'eltand

kingly orood reguies no im il portior of the mb-

Itance of his loing nbjeets; Poids, boih tpiritnal

and remporal, heicditary ituilto's ard i diedita-

rv lerches of the land ; hiving nonumtirs ot pride,

amoition,ef mna y aud iporify ; and th.u faitn-

ful commops ahofe dnv it is to ne paid tor con-

tributing to deeive the progle with the th dov ot

Hinertv. white their kubmtance is draxn t..m d.m

at cscry pure topamjerurt f.yutite-ot memr

or niniser to the ambitious views oi a dejraved

couit.

Saxh is the ceverumcnt wbich Ma Ar Asidts

up asa model for rll tue vori , s.hore ds

molf etual bal ncotthe titeec.de, end pe.

fote the beit feauiity i peiianenoy. inhscxg
From its excellence he has forgotten to class the Prime Minister in either of his orders; yet sorely he is of inconsiderable birth and age. Dares not his pate affect the crown, like the enormous, saucy soul the Lords and the King? It is then inconceivable into a despotism. Unable to deny or shut his eyes to the enormities practiced under his favorite government, he does not undertake to defend it on the score of experience; but contents himself with asserted excellence. He would reason his readers like a school chat that the theory must be good, though the practice is found vicious. It requires clearer head or pearl than his to convince the understanding against the unequivocal evidence of the senses.

In a view of the island of Great-Britain and what does it present? The bulk of the nation starving from the low price of wages and oppressions of the taxes: in lone towns a majority of its inhabitants on the poor rates; and overbearing and proud nobility and a clergy idle and avaricious. Are such the blessings of good government? Enlighten us, like pain most that the government is great evil in its theory, and that we must have orders and distinctions, of family and wealth if we wish anything like good government.

Will Americans believe him in the face of facts; are they ready to be classed in upper, middle and lower ranks: or to place the author of such doctrines in that eminent station, which will best enable him to bring into practice his favorite form of government?

SIDNEY.