Portland Gazette, And Maine Advertiser

Political Miscellany.
AN ADDRESS TO THE
People of this Commonwealth.

Fellow-Citizens of Massachusetts!

THE federal members of the two branches of the legislature cannot separate from each other, and retire to their own homes, without unitedly addressing themselves to you and beseeching you to reflect well and deeply, on the hazards which your Constitution, the great charter of your rights, and the safeguard of your freedom and property, have encountered, during the last year.

For several years, your minds have been agitated, and the Commonwealth itself convulsed, by the struggles of certain violent partisans to supercede the present Chief Magistrate, and effect the election of James Sullivan, Esquire, to the chair of government. During these violent contentions, no accusations have been made against the private character or talents of the present Governor, by his enemies; nor do the boldest of Mr. Sullivan's friends dared to compare his pretensions, in these respects. No act of usurpation or partiality; no breach of the Constitution; no measure injurious to the economy or prosperity of the State, has been alledged against Governor STRONG. His administration has been mild and prosperous; business has been dispatched with regularity, and the public debt reduced. No new burthens have been imposed upon you; and the utmost readiness has been exhibited, on all occasions, to comply with the laws of the United States, and to facilitate the measures of our national government. Under these circumstances, it is matter of astonishment, even to those who have most frequently contemplated the instability of popular favor, and the success of falsehood and intrigue, to behold the progress made in seducing a great portion of the people from their adherence to a man and an administration without spot and blameless, and in transferring their favor to one, who is acknowledged to be not so good; and their hopes to a future administration, which cannot possibly be better.

The grievances under which a free people labor, though sometimes the offspring of unavoidable circumstances, are generally imputed to the fault of the government; and it is not unusual, that those who are concerned in its administration, should become victims to calamities which they could not prevent. But when no grievances exist; when there is nothing to be redressed or reformed; when no oppressive law has been passed; no executive act reprehended; no new imposition made or suggested; when under such circumstances we perceive men struggling to effect a change of Governors as if their lives and liberties were at stake, we have a right to impute to their leaders, motives which do not appear; and to their followers a fatal credulity and love of change, which tends to discourage good men from engaging in the public service, and to transfer the honors and offices of the country to the worst part of its inhabitants.

In such a situation, it is the plain dictate of common sense, that each man should enquire, what injuries he or his neighbors have experienced, and what benefits he or they may reasonably expect from a change of men? If he finds no cause of complaint in the circle of his own neighborhood, no injustice, no oppression, let him next inquire of the zealous partisans and leading men (when they cry against the Governor, crucify him! crucify him!) why, "what evil hath he done?" And if instead of pointing out instances of misconduct, they can only suggest loose and unsupported hints. If while they acknowledge that all has hitherto gone well, they barely intimate their own vain and affected fears for the future; if the sum total of all their objections is, that the Chief Magistrate does not pin his faith upon the sleeve of any political sect, but thinks and reasons for himself, it is fair to conclude, that their views are selfish and their pretensions to patriotism a mere cloak to their schemes of ambition.

There was, the last year, reason to fear that the hostility of Mr. Sullivan's leading partisans to the Constitution, and their disrespect for the rights of the people, though suspected, could not be proved, until they should fully succeed in their object, and then the proof would have been too late. But fortunately for our fellow-citizens, the views of these men have been fully disclosed before they have been perfectly accomplished. Intoxicated with a partial success, they have prematurely displayed a want of moderation, and a flagrant disregard for the Constitution, which shews them to be utterly unfit and unsafe to be trusted with the powers of government. In support of these assertions, you are respectfully invited to a concise retrospect of the proceedings of the Legislature during the last political year.

On the first Monday of April, the people exercised their right of electing a Chief Magistrate according to the established usage, and the terms of the Constitution, and, by a very decided majority, chose their old, tried, faithful, and patriotic friend, CALEB STRONG, for their Governor. Through the supineness and inattention of the federalists in certain districts, the democrats had a majority of one in the Senate and a greater majority in the House of Representatives. Disappointed and enraged at the result of the election for Governor, and impatient of all obstacles to the completion of their designs, these friends to the people, without hesitation, resolved upon affording an early example of their contempt for the people, by annulling their choice, which plainly and distinctly appeared from the returns of votes; and by palming upon them a man whom they had not chosen, and whose character and conduct had rendered him an object of distrust to a great portion of the community. A committee, composed principally of his friends, was accordingly called for the occasion, who, instead of reporting according to former usage, on the second day of the session, consumed several days in a pretended scrutiny and examination of the returns, and at length made a report filled with captious and frivolous objections to the returns of votes from many towns, and artfully contrived to give a majority of votes to James Sullivan.

By this report the votes of some towns were rejected for the misspelling of a letter, and others upon suggestions equally frivolous and shameful, which are plainly and simply stated in the protest of the minority of the Senate, which was read in the presence of all the members, and was never contradicted in any one particular. While posterity will hardly credit the existence of a stratagem so bold, and yet so weak and scandalous, it is nevertheless true, that a majority of your Senators were pledged to support and give it effect; and though it is believed that some few of them were filled with compunction and repentance before they accepted the report, yet so completely were they drilled, manacled, and intimidated by their leaders, that they surrendered reason and conscience, and assented to this flagrant and unprecedented outrage upon the rights of the people.

It is fully understood that all the leaders of the democratic party in the House had agreed to follow up this deadly blow at your Constitution, and that they exulted in the confidence of their majority in that body. But the delay, created by the debates in the Senate, afforded time to ascertain the public sentiment. The honest men of all parties cried shame upon the measure! The enormity of the crime found no apologists or defenders beyond the walls of the State-house, and the well meaning but deluded of the party within the walls, began to flinch; and though the execution of this worse than gunpowder-plot, had been resolved upon at all hazards, and the inaugural speech of Mr. Sullivan was known to be prepared; the intriguers in the House, alarmed at the rising indignation of the people, for a moment receded, and arrested the progress of this new species of despotism, not with any compunction at their own conduct, but merely for the purpose of varying their means, that they might more securely arrive at their end.

To these causes alone, fellow-citizens, are you indebted for your preservation from a violent and lawless usurpation of the Chief Magistracy by a Friend of the people. By means of this plot, the organization of the government, which the Constitution intended should be completed in one, or at most two days, was procrastinated fifteen days, at a useless expense of more than twenty thousand dollars to the Commonwealth; and such confusion and animosity excited, that the whole session was in effect consumed without the dispatch of any important public business.

When at length His Excellency was qualified for the duties of his office, the same men, who were foiled in the attempt to exclude him from the chair, renewed their machinations to surround him with a Council that should effectually shackle him in his ordinary functions, and render his station uncomfortable to himself, and less useful to the people. Accordingly the old Counsellors were proscribed without exception: Knox, the veteran revolutionary hero, who now slumbers at the side of Washington, his patron and friend: Cobb, their companion in danger and in honor, and other tried and respectable patriots, who for years had graced the Senate and Council boards, were pretermitted, and the little resentments of party were gratified by sending up to advise the Governor men known to be disaffected to his person and administration. These, as was foreseen, have caballed to delay, oppose, and reject his measures. In most instances they have refused their assent to new commissions to Justices of the Peace, and in many have neglected to renew old ones, though the nominations have been made of men of both parties; and instead of Counsellors to advise, they have proved to be Controllers to harrass the Executive.

The intolerance of democracy during the first session was extended to every department, and every object, which came within its grasp—the Treasurer, Secretary, Clerks of the two Houses, and Notaries Public, without any imputation except the suspicion of Washington-politics, were doomed indiscriminately, to give place to men of less experience in business, and certainly of no higher pretensions in other respects. This was applying not merely the rod, but the besom of reformation, by which many inoffensive and amiable men, in humble circumstances, were swept out of their habitual employments, and reduced to great inconvenience and distress.

Can you then, fellow-citizens, reflect upon the history of this memorable session, and wish to promote the power and influence of men who shew themselves so alert in the abuse of power, so prompt to trample under foot the right of suffrage, and the freedom of your election? Do you tremble at the sounds of monarchy and despotism, and not perceive that by the firmness of your federal friends you have escaped from a despotism, which aimed at the means to enslave, while it was destitute of the power or the virtue to protect you? "Think, we beseech you, on these things." Pause, before you throw to the winds the liberty bequeathed to you by your ancestors, and confirmed by the toils of WASHINGTON, and the blood of our revolutionary martyrs—They fought to secure to you the right of free elections as the source of all that is valuable in liberty. This right was nearly rendered abortive by men who pretend to be exclusively your friends.

With the view of marching more certainly to their object, and placing in the first seat of government the man of their choice, and who they expect will countenance their wicked measures of subverting the Constitution, and changing the established order of law and liberty, these enemies of the rights of Massachusetts passed an act authorising the inhabitants of plantations to vote in choice of Governor and Lieutenant Governor; a right from which they are excluded by the Constitution. This act they sent to the Governor but one day before the Legislature adjourned at their own request, and thereby left to His Excellency four days of the succeeding session for him to return the act, with his objections, if in his opinion, it should be unconstitutional. On the second day of the present session he returned the act to the House of Representatives, where it originated, with his refusal to assent to the same, because, in his judgment, it was unconstitutional. This opinion was justified and confirmed by that of the Supreme Judicial Court, with reasons so strong and conclusive as to force conviction on minds the most weak and credulous. To make this act a law, the consent of two thirds of the Legislature was required by the Constitution, but as this could not be obtained, the majority, by another trick, contrived to elude the constitutional provision, and they proceeded to declare the same to have become a law, because not returned within five days after having been sent to the Governor, although they had adjourned within two. This was done contrary to the law of the Constitution, as settled and determined by the Legislature, and the opinion of the Supreme Judicial Court, formally and deliberately given to the Senate, on their request, in the year 1791.

These facts appear in the Protest of the minority of the House of Representatives, which is entered on the Journals.

Thus, fellow-citizens, you have a plain and faithful statement of the leading features of the majority which the democrats have attained in the Legislative and Executive branches of your government the last year, and from these may plainly perceive the yoke that is prepared for you, should you be equally supine and inattentive at the ensuing election. Anarchy here, as in other parts of the world, will be followed by the severest despotism. Not more than twelve or fourteen years since, all Europe was intoxicated with the promised liberty that was to succeed destruction of lawful government.

A momentary and delusive hope alone preceded the most stern and unfeeling tyranny that ever cursed the earth. Not a free government exists there, but in the land of our forefathers, and they are compelled to defend their freedom and independence by sacrifices the most painful, and by exertions of which the cause of liberty alone is worthy, and which can be achieved by those only who know its value.

We have every thing at stake, and can certainly perceive the prize by the mere performance of a duty which we owe to ourselves, to posterity, to our ancestors, and God, who has vouchsafed to us so rich a blessing. We have nothing to do, but vigilantly and attentively to exert our rights as electors, and see that our friends and neighbours, the friends and supporters of religion, of order, and freedom, attend early on the first Monday of April, at our respective places of election and there deposit our votes for

CALEB STRONG,
AS GOVERNOR....AND
EDWARD H. ROBBINS,
AS LIEUT. GOVERNOR,

and by watching that no unqualified persons are suffered to vote, and that a due, regular, and seasonable return be made of the votes. After all the labour that party spirit could devise and perform, it is known that the democratic candidate, James Sullivan, Esq. is not selected by his own party from a predilection for his person, or a confidence in his character and talents. They do not pretend that he possesses any pre-eminence of private worth or integrity; but merely that circumstances afford him the best chance of success, and they declare without reserve, that they regard principally the party, and not the character, of their candidate—Whereas, in the life and character of Governor STRONG, we have the fairest emblem of the best manners of the best times. His religion is pure, and his conduct has always comported with his professions. His bitterest enemies charge him with no impurity of behaviour, and his friends are not required to make any explanations of his conduct. His life has been past in the service of his country, and his patriotism has been equally fervent in the darkest hours of adversity, and in the brightest days of prosperity. Let us then show ourselves worthy of the glorious cause of freedom and of justice, in again honoring him and ourselves, by electing him our Governor for the year ensuing. It depends altogether on our own exertions; and the people of Massachusetts may be assured that, with a proper and vigilant attention, the cause of virtue, of justice, and of freedom, will be gloriously triumphant.

But should we, through supineness, neglect, or inattention, by which alone our enemies can succeed, suffer them to gain the advantage, we may bid a long farewell to the honor of Massachusetts, and prepare ourselves for the fate of other states and nations, who have surrendered their power into the hands of an unbridled democracy; which, after a short reign of anarchy and confusion, takes refuge from its own horrors under the shade of despotism.