The Massachusetts Spy

For the Massachusetts Spy.

The MONITOR. N.V.

Sir William Temple, in a dissertation on the constitution of the United Provinces, has one shrewd remark, which I have often with singular pleasure applied to this community. A people, says he, whose acquisitions must be slow and painful, are ever anxious to have them well secured by just and equal laws. And Montesquieu observes that the nations who inhabit hard and cold countries, have infinitely a better chance to preserve their freedom, than those who seem blessed with all the luxuriance of the happiest climate. To these natural advantages I fondly join another important one, which though it seems to arise from the former, is not so absolutely dependant upon them as to appear their necessary product; that is, the reigning taste. This according to Montague is the forceful engine which builds or overthrows all the empires of the world. In his excellent Treatise of the Rise and Fall of ancient republics, he says, 'Of all the human passions, ambition may prove the most useful, or most destructive to a people. Che Digito montrari et dicier hic est. The fondness for admiration, and applause, seems coeval with man and accompanies us from the cradle to the grave. Every man pants after distinction, and even in this world affects a kind of immortality. There is no mark which so surely indicates the reigning manners of a people at different periods, as that quality or turn of mind, which happens to be the reigning object of publick applause, for as the reigning object of publick applause will necessarily constitute the leading fashion, if the object of applause be praise worthy, the example of the great will have a due influence upon the inferior classes.' I dare affirm the era is not to be found in history when so universal a sense of the true interest and security of the respective states in the British Empire, possessed the bulk of the people; and the respective rights of Governors and governed were so thoroughly examined, freely explained, and greedily perused, as in the present. Hence, with the last mentioned author we may rationally conclude, that no essential mutation can be effected in this government, (unless by the violence of external force,) while the manners of the people are so utterly unfit for the change. In the New-England colonies the agrarian law is ab initio constitutional the people are at once sensible of personal freedom, and social dependance. On this great metropolis no individual can feel himself easy with the dislike of the people. And let the stupid tools of tyranny prate what they will, there is not a part of the globe less chargeable with faction, which is really running into cabals for the promotion of some private interest, in opposition to that of the publick. A competency in the hands of great numbers gives them leisure to inform themselves in history and politics; and know my Lord Hillsborough that your bones will be rotten, before any one can render horse-racing and cock-fighting the passion of the New-Englanders! Another important encouragement crowns the engaging prospect, the evident contempt of riches and the temptations of riot and luxury. The enemies of our liberty have piqued themselves on exposing some of our most able and assiduous patriots, as men of no property,' never considering that such rigid Romans were the champions from whom they had every thing to fear that might blast their expectations. Men who can feast on roots, and command the admiration of a colony in thread-bare home-spun, render poverty itself envied; and recommend a life of honest independency beyond a thousand sumptuary statutes. Such men have their favourite, their ruling passions, as well as others; they have ambition, enthusiasm and resentment, with the superior advantages of indulging them all with the applause of their country. One of these, applies himself to general history, and the policy of every civilized state he can light on; that from actual experience he may gather information, what consequences every mode of government could probably produce, and what precautions should necessarily be taken to prevent a constitution apparently good for the present, to become greatly inconvenient, by insensible deflexions from the first design of its formers. Another deeply learned in the laws of his country, attacks the tyrant in front, and strips him of all the power he would assume to punish a brave citizen, for telling him a grating truth; while a third confounds and turns to ridicule the puny essayers, who tell a suffering people they have no grievances to complain of. As I have set myself no particular task in this number I will tell those earnest enquirers of one grievance I think sufficient to entitle every author who has a hand in it to the curses of the people, that is, the indignity cast upon the Legislature of the province these several years, in thwarting their inclination as to the place of their assembling. I affirm no power on earth, has the least right to abridge the freedom of their determinations in any case or circumstance whatsoever, provided they decree nothing inconsistent with the general good of the empire. The assumption of this power is certainly unwarranted by charter, and I presume no man who has read the preceding numbers of this work will argue that the crown, or any of its servants, can have any legal controul upon our legislature which is not stipulated there. Vatel says expressly, p. 19, that if any intrude into the domestic affairs of another state, and attempt to influence its deliberations they do it an injury. If Lord Hillsborough has not eminently intruded into the domestic affairs of this community, and endeavoured in a powerful manner to influence its deliberations, it will be difficult to find an instance of the kind in the history of mankind. We have a mighty clutter in some prerogative ravings, about the rights and interests of the crown in this colony. I wish the babblers about those rights, and the constitutional subjection, they talk so much of, would be pleased once to define them. an indefinite right, and unlimited power is a very dangerous pretence in any commonwealth. At present, however it seems but too evidently the scope of an administration, whose last manoeuvres, if any thing can, will bring things to a crisis. Long have I wished to have them lay their paws upon landed interest. Stop not here my Dear Lord, I can set you in a way to make a fine haul for a number of loyal subjects. To vacate the charter of the province entirely, would appear a little hurrying at present; keep it off at the junction of Rhode-Island with Connecticut; for you may observe that with no more training than you use in your daily business, you can say that so far westward as Connecticut and Providence Plantation, means the junction of these. Sir Edmond Andros could not have wished for finer work than the granting all that well inhabited tract in gallant Lordships. Col. Howard would then be kept in some countenance; our new deputy collector might become a neighbouring Baron to him, and by the strength of his extensive genius contribute mightily towards the establishment of a new feudal system. Without some such potent aid I dare say your brain will get tangled in such a manner as well tease your wise head to right it. By the time this reaches you, you will have your hands full of business, you will find no necessity to settle pimps and informers to transmit to you the designs of the people; your tyranny has already effected what every good citizen wished for; the continent is again alarmed and universally sensible both of their disease and remedy. It is well known that all Governors, are more or less important, according to their abilities and inclination to promote the general good: That the legal and constitutional Governor uses the POWER of the state with the will of the state for the interest of the state.--: The usurper and tyrant uses all these for his own interest and caprice. Your several projects, mandates and instructions have long been viewed in the last described light. You have wantonly trampled on every thing dear to the people, you have apparently prided yourself in crossing, vexing and molesting them---it was not enough for you to saddle them with an odious and unconstitutional tribute, but you must commit the collection and indeed absorption of it to the most infamous traitors you could find in both Englands. To be a friend to one's country, its laws and constitution was sufficient to ensure a man of all the abuse yourself, your tools and minions dare cast upon him. And long e'er this day had there been miserable victims to the revenge of your party, had they not stood a little in awe of the people. You dare not as yet rob us of our presses nor jurors and while these remain free, your tools may twist law till the bench abhors them without greatly distressing us Your forces in the scribbling way on this side the water have much the worst of it. It seems an awkward task to appeal to the people against themselves. There is not a common porter, sailor or sweep-chimney, but had rather have the laying out of his halfpence himself than resign them to you, to hire assassins to cut his throat, or fire him down in the street with them. You have honestly given over all pretence of levying the money for national security; too well knowing the notoriety of its disposal for a security of another kind. If corruption be so general among you, that the majority of the nation will voluntarily seek your shambles, with their own and posterity's persons, it is time they had an opportunity. America has an ample and hospitable bosom for every honest man among them, and the rest may war with Spain or trade with Spain as you and they think best.