The Manitowoc Tribune

The Appeal of Chief Justice R. M. Pearson, to the Conservatives--Voting for Grant the Only Road to Peace.

The following is the letter of Chief Justice R. M. Pearson, of North Carolina, himself a Conservative, to the conservatives of that State, which has been alluded to in our dispatches:

To the Conservative Party;

I am alarmed at the condition of the country and fear that we are drifting into another civil war. In my opinion the war clouds are darkening now as in the winter of 1860-61. We were then promised "peaceable secession;" we are now to have "peaceable nullification. Under these circumstances I feel it to be a duty to make known the reasoning by which I have arrived at the conclusion that every man who has no interest at stake and who wishes to have peace and avoid bloodshed, should vote for Grant and Colfax. Being a member of the conservative party, and having been elected Chief Justice of the Supreme Court on the nomination of both parties, by a unanimous vote of the people, it is fair to presume that I have their confidence, and that what I say will be considered calmly, as the advice of a friend who has no motive save the public good. I trust to be held justified, by the emergency, for expressing my opinion, and to be allowed to do so, without being drawn into the vortex of politics; with my views silence would be a crime God Almighty! forbid a war of races! Violent politicians avow their purpose to agitate, turn things upside down, nullify and bring on another war, rather than submit to let the negroes vote and hold office. But is it not the part of wisdom and patriotism to accept "the situation," and try to make the most of a bad bargain, rather than make bad worse? I cannot, as others seem to be able to do, exclude from my mind the fact that the South attempted a revolution and was subjugated and our condition is one of the bitter fruits of rebellion! 'Let us have peace.' This is the point on which my opinions rests.

The New York Convention declares our state government a mere creation of usurpation, and of course not entitled to the allegiance of the people; and it proclaims the reconstruction acts of Congress "unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void' -omitting the word null, lest it might call up unpleasant recollections of the days of nullification, when the strong will of Jackson prevented war.

If the reconstruction acts are void, so are the reconstruction measures of President Johnson, and the negroes are still slaves. This leads to war. But it is said 'slavery and secession' are dead issues. Why or how? Admit, however, that the only object is to deprive the freedmen of political rights. How can that be effected? Some say "it is to be done by the ballot and by the bayonet." How? That's the question. The freedmen are now in possession of the right to vote; if course, they vote, the Constitution cannot be amended. so the only mode is to carry out practically the doctrine that the reconstruction acts are void, and our Constitution is of no effect, This is nullification. and disguise it as they may, it must result in war. History furnishes us no instances of four millions of people, backed as they are, in our state. by a clear majority of 20,000 votes, being deprived of political rights which they have enjoyed for years. It cannot be done without a civil war. It is against the order of nature.

My countrymen! it is time to pause and refuse longer to follow the lead of violent politicians. We should discard prejudice and passion, and act on our own judgment as to what should be done under the circumstances by which we and yourselves are surrounded.

The most violent members of any party, provided that they can get members enough at the start to make a respectable showing, carry their point, for reason is put aside, and vituperation and abuse are hurled at all who hesitate--"he is not a friend of the South, he is a traitor to his race and color, etc, etc..." The women and children (creatures of feeling) join in the clamor, and so it goes. You and I were opposed to secession, the bulk of the people oppose it, yet we are hurled into it. After the ordinance, like true men, we adhered to our state, and rendered faithful allegiance to the Confederacy up to its surrender. What did we 'gain by it. I should rather ask, who can estimate what we lost by it?

Let me ask, why did General Lee surrender? Because he could not help it! For the same reason we must submit to the political; not to the social, for that is a thing under our own control, equality of the freedmen. This is the situation"-the question is, shall we go on and again make bad worse, or shall we try to make the best of it?

What is the reason that the negro vote instead of being scattered, is concentrated with the full force of a solid column? It is carried by the violent opposition made to the will of the General Government in regard to reconstruction.

The freedmen have still an undefined impression that there is still a wish to reduce them to slavery. They certainly have a well-founded belief that there is a determination to deprive them of political equality.

This makes them "pull together;" remove the pressure and their vote will be neutralized, and unless I mistake the power and effect of the superiority of the white man, aided as he is by education and the possession of the wealth of the country; in a few years they will vote as in 1835.

My conclusion is, we must concede to the freedmen political equality, if we can only satisfy them we do so in good faith by voting for Grant and Colfax. Then there will be an end of the strife. The contemplation of war and bloodshed will be put far from us. The freedmen will become satisfied that it is for their good interest to allow us to have the guidance of public affairs, and the innate power and vigor of the white man will convince the world that we are able to carry a weight of four millions imposed on us by the unaccountable decrees of Providence, and still work out our destiny as the grandest republic that has ever been known among the nations.

It is inevitable that the conservatives must split into two parties. The peace conservatives and the war conservatives. or, to avoid inconsistency, the nullifiers. The difference is so vital that they cannot act together as one party. The nullifiers act with the Democrats. There can be no reason why the conservatives, without identifying themselves with the Republicans, but keeping up their organization as a party, and leaving the nullifiers to go to themselves, may not act with the Republican party, and vote for Grant as the man for the occasion, who, like Jackson, will put a stop to nullification in the new shape in which it now raises its hydra head.

When the storm is over, the conservative party representing as it does, the property and intelligence of the State, will take the guidance of affairs, and all will be well.

R. M. PEARSON.