Springfield Weekly Republican

From Boston.

From Our Own Correspondent.

Boston, Thursday, May 23.

There seems no reason to doubt that the legislature will adjourn to-day, though the important bill in relation to the families of volunteers is not yet disposed of. This bill has caused more debate than all other subjects combined, and considering the difficulty attending the question, I do not think the legislature has overstepped a proper limit in sitting ten days. Some unreasonable people have demanded that the legislature should give its services for this session, but there was clearly no sense in the demand. Why should a Berkshire or Cape Cod man give to the state the twenty-five dollars which it has cost him to come here and stay here, while the Boston man only gives his time? Besides, there is now no call on the common people to give for the purpose of carrying on the war. Liberality, even extravagance, was necessary when the war broke out, and the rich men should be stimulated to liberality now; but the people should be encouraged to earn all they can and not give away their labor, to earn so that they may be able to bear the burdens which must come in the shape of taxation by and by. We must all make as much money as we can. I fear the prospect is small for most of us, but we must improve all the chances. In this view, as well as in others, I think it is a matter of congratulation that the bill to authorize a Home Guard has been defeated. Probably it would have been vetoed if it had remained in the governor's hands. The Senate sent for it, for some reason or other, and got it back; substituted a new bill for it, and the new bill was killed in the House. What do we want of a Home Guard?—able-bodied white male citizens who ought to be at work making money, wasting their time in training about town and city, preparing for imaginary dangers? This war is not likely to be fought in Massachusetts towns, but in Virginia and the Carolinas, we hope. It was only proposed that the state should arm the Home Guard; but nobody who knows human nature can doubt that there would have been other expenses, and plenty of excuses for laying hold of a share of the three million dollars appropriated for war expenses. Then there would inevitably have been discontents and feuds between the new organization and the old volunteer militia. In Tennessee the new military law provides for a Home Guard, but its object is expressly to keep the slaves in subjection. We do not need a guard for any such purpose, and probably not for any purpose.

I believe the irrepressible colored man had something to do with the defeat of this bill. It was suspected that the bill which went to the governor was so framed as to allow him to be enrolled for certain purposes. Our colored friend has made the usual amount of trouble this session, and I learn that he is likely to make his appearance again to-day under the lead of Mr. Drew of Dorchester, in whose favor Mr. Perce of the same town, seems to have abdicated the championship in this case. The House has refused to strike out the word 'white.' Nobody objected, as far as I heard, that the legal opinions of the supreme court were any bar to striking out the word. The question was considered merely one of expediency. The white man says to the colored brother—Stand aside; keep shady; if you appear in plain sight you'll frighten somebody. Your skin is black; your nose is flat; your lips are thick; your heels long; we are making excellent use of a lot of old fogy whigs and old bunker democrats, just now, putting down this rebellion by the money of the former and the stout right arms of the latter; these people never saw you; they don't know you; they have a prejudice against you; if you come out of the fence, you'll spoil everything; keep quiet, and let the democrats fight for you and the Bell-everetts spend money for you, and by and by you'll get all you want." Well, there was something in this, but not much. I don't think the negro need to be discouraged at any action the legislature has yet taken. By and by, when the fight becomes thick, this nonsense will be knocked out of the democrats and Bell-everetts, and also out of the republicans, who yield to it rather than believe in it. "By and by, when Gen. Butler finds himself facing a black regiment enlisted in Gen. Lee's Virginia army, and is perhaps beaten because the aforesaid black regiment has been made to fight on the wrong side instead of the right side, then we shall begin to think it over again and come to a wiser conclusion. It is my impression that the negro will have but little to do with the war until it is over. After the white man has fought till he has got tired of it, and has made a peace of some sort or other, the negro will take his turn. The slaveholder will be beaten and disgraced, or victorious and more insolent than ever,—I am quite sure the first thing is to happen. But either way, then will come the black man's opportunity. If his tyrant is humbled, he will be an easy prey; if triumphant, the hopeless bondman will rise in his despair and rush upon his oppressor. Then also will come the time for leaders who shall mean something. Our generals and colonels evidently don't yet know what they are fighting for; they are drifting along, the prey of circumstance. Butler, the emancipator, masquerades as a conservative and a putter-down of slave insurrections, and apparently don't understand that he is in a masque. After the war is over, unless John Quincy Adams's advice is followed by government, and slavery is declared abolished, the John Brown men will make their appearance. They will be readily recruited by energetic leaders, and speedily and easily armed. As for provisions and forage, they will make their expeditions pay as they go. We shall have guerrilla leaders and followers inspired by the spirit of Cromwell, mixed perhaps a little with that of the buccaneer. They will pray, however, rather than prey. They will fight like the Ironsides at Marston Moor. "We never charged but we routed the enemy; (said Cromwell, describing this battle) God made them as stubble to our swords. We charged their regiments of foot with our horse and routed all we charged. Give glory, all the glory, to God." Or at Dunbar where, says one annalist, "I heard Nol say in the words of the psalmist—Let God arise, let His enemies be scattered,'" and where the chase was suspended for a moment while the army sung the 117th psalm at the foot of Doon Hill

"O give ye praise unto the Lord
All nations that be;
Likewise ye people all, accord
His name to magnify."

Not many days ago a young West Pointer was drilling a Massachusetts company in Washington, and was heard by the captain to swear at them fearfully. The next day, when the youngster came to perform his duty, the captain took him aside and said to him, substantially, "Look here, my friend; I observed yesterday that you used a good deal of profane language to my soldiers. A good many of them are young men who are not used to swearing, and their parents expect that I will do what I can to preserve their morals pure. I don't swear myself, and I won't have my men sworn to by anybody." The rebuke was taken kindly, and the drill-master swore no more. Men of this class are not fighting merely the abstract question of the right of secession; or merely to recover certain forts. They are fighting a battle of civilization.

Speaking of psalm singing, let me say that we have had some capital specimens of vocal music in the House, under the lead of Mr. Jewell of Boston, Mr. Davis of Greenfield, Mr. Speaker Goodwin and others. Holmes's army hymn to the tune of Old Hundred, America, The Star Spangled Banner, &c., &c., have been given in excellent style on several occasions. Yesterday afternoon, the ladies' gallery being well filled, these pieces went with peculiar unction. During a recess which the House took this forenoon, the choir was reinforced by Mr. S. B. Noyes of Canton, who sung the solos very splendidly, and in addition to the patriotic hymns and songs I have mentioned, a great variety of the best psalm-tunes were sung with a fervor which excited great admiration. This legislative flow of soul is much better than the old fashioned season of jollification and small wit.

Mr. Darfee of New Bedford, and not Mr. Drew, has to-day introduced, on leave, certain resolves calling upon our members of Congress to use their influence to procure the repeal of all laws which keep any portion of the loyal subjects of the government from serving it in this contest. The resolves were then referred to the committee on the governor's address. A bit of a flurry occurred on a report by Mr. Darfee from the committee on the militia, to whom had been referred the petition of Robert Morris and others to be incorporated as a Home Guard. This report was substantially asking to be discharged from the consideration of the subject and recommending that it be referred to the joint special committee on the governor's message, "who have transacted all of the business of the session thus far." This report was accepted, the flaw not being at once discovered, but the vote was reconsidered, and the report then laid on the table.

The committee by Mr. Branning have (12 o'clock) reported that Mr. Darfee's resolves ought not to pass, assigning as a reason the exigency of public affairs and the nearness of the close of the session. Mr. Davis of Greenfield, advocating the adoption of the report, on grounds of expediency made some remarks which were characterized by liberality and good feeling towards the colored race. The battle of the colored race, he said was to be fought not here but on other fields, at Fort Pickens, at Norfolk, at Richmond. Mr. Drew of Dorchester, Mr. Darfee and Mr. Albee of Marlborough urged the House to pass the resolves and do justice to the colored man as far as they could, even at this late hour. Mr. Pierce of Dorchester stated that he did not assent to the report of the committee, and proceeded to argue in favor of the resolves, making an excellent and telling speech. Mr. Stack followed, with excellent effect. Mr. Branning replied that the agitation of the question before Congress would cost Massachusetts men many lives on the plains of Carolina. He thought we could afford to delay the question a few years, and see what would come out of the present struggle. At the close of his remarks the previous question was ordered and the resolves were rejected, 78 to 69. If the debate had been permitted to continue, I think they would have passed. So the skim milk policy has prevailed; but it is not of the slightest consequence, and cannot delay events one hour. Remember Mrs. Partington and her broom.

The bill withholding certain aid from the people of the so-called seceding states failed in the Senate. It provided for the punishment of all persons in the state found dealing in bonds of the confederate states.

WARRINGTON.