Richmond Enquirer

EXPEDITION TO ALGIERS.

[From Bell's Messenger, of August 18.]

As the general armament of Europe, and indeed of America, are now on their way to the attack of this fortress of piracy, and as accounts may shortly be expected of their operations the public mind, always anxious for the glory of the country, is naturally directed with a strong interest towards the probable issue of this expedition. And as it usually happens, where the scene of action is so remote from general knowledge, the apprehensions on the one part, and the sanguine hopes on the other, are so totally beyond all reasonableness, that it becomes the duty of such of the public journals as profess impartiality, to afford a correct view of the actual state of the enterprise, of its expediency and its probable issue.

Upon the first question the duty and expediency of this expedition, we should have thought that a doubt could not have existed, and that, as our settlements in the Mediterranean have rendered that sea in a great part a British channel, so it was incumbent equally upon our commercial interests as upon our national dignity, to clear that sea of its pirates. To a commercial nation like England, the oceans, seas and navigable rivers, are the highways of the world, and it would appear, therefore, our manifest interest to clear them of robbers and murderers. In all trading nations the security of the roads has been regarded as their first interest. But the sea, as we have said, is not the high road of a mere nation, but the highway of the world, the means of intercourse of nation with nation, and man with man.

It will be acknowledged we presume, that this representation makes out a strong case, and that to counterweigh it a stronger must be made out on the opposite side. But the only contrary argument which we have met with, is the alleged difficulty of victualling Gibraltar and Malta, unless by the Barbary states. But this argument is grounded upon a supposition that the object of the expedition is to destroy not only the Pirates, but the States themselves; not only their city and forts, but their cultivated fields. But this we presume is not the object of the expedition. We should hope that the purpose is to root out the Pirates, and replace them by Christian garrisons. We retain Gibraltar in the very teeth of Spain; why not Algiers in despite of Morocco? If the expedition proposes less than this, the argument in objection to it is not without some grounds. If it proposes this, it will establish in permanency the security which it proposes to restore.

Another argument has been used against not only its expediency, but our right. It is urged, that the late massacre was that of a mob, who rising in rebellion against their own government, and acting in despite and defiance of them, should not be confounded with the government itself; that all we can require as satisfaction for such an outrage is, that the government should disavow, and in so far as its powers go, should punish them. But that is already done; be it so. But has not the existing Algerine government actually taken up arms to defend the resolution of the new Dey and Divan to annul the former treaty? Does not the spirit in which the late massacre arose, prove the folly of all such treaties with such powers? And is not their system one of Piracy and robbery; and with respect to the alleged passes, English crews, &c. is it not notorious, (we are now speaking from the actual knowledge of a friend of our own) is it not, we say notorious, that the Algerine pirates, in order to get rid of any English crew, compel them to walk overboard immediately, then they take the vessel, and then carry the vessel into port, as the ship of another nation? This custom is so much a matter of course, that the pirates execute it with as much coolness as cruelty. They lay an inclined plank from the vessel's side, and compel the crew, one by one (as many of them only as are English) to walk into the sea.

As to the probable issue of this expedition, we should hope that there can be no doubt of a termination suited to the present glory of the English arms. It is perfectly true that Algiers is not in so deplorable a state of weakness as has been represented in some of our papers, and that two sail of the line will certainly not be sufficient to humble and destroy it. But as so many powers have proceeded against it at one time, we will almost take upon ourselves to say, that at least thirty sail of the line will be laid abreast of it; and as we have a right to reckon upon the characteristic gallantry of English seamen, we are perfectly tranquil as to the event. The battle will certainly be formidable. The Algerines are stated to have nearly three hundred pieces of cannon commanding their harbor: and amongst the renegadoes they will doubtless find some wretches who will serve and manage them. But a fleet which succeeded at Copenhagen, can have nothing to fear at Algiers.

In the event of the success of the expedition in expelling the Algerines, of which we cannot allow ourselves to entertain any doubt, one of two measures is proposed--the first is that of delivering these towns and cities into the hands of the grand Signior, as members of his dominions, and the second, that of establishing in them Christian garrisons. We will not allow ourselves a momentary consideration of the former, as it must be as repugnant to the feelings of our readers, as we feel it to be to our own minds. We must express our hopes that the latter will be adopted, and we must confess that we see no little difficulty in accomplishing it, but they are neither insuperable, nor too much, for the importance of the object. We certainly see no reason why we should not meet the ignorance and fanaticism of Mahometans by the civilization and tempered zeal of Christian nations, and why we should not attempt (under such a manifest opening) the establishment of a Christian Empire on the coasts of the Mediterranean. One of the evils of the present times, is undoubtedly the excess of our population beyond our actual means. Would it not appear, that the most natural remedy would be what was the remedy of the nations of the ancient world, under similar circumstances--colonization.

The present sovereigns of Africa, on the coast of the Mediterranean, are four: The first of whom is the Emperor of Morocco; the other three are the Dey of Algiers, the Bey of Tunis, and the Bey of Tripoli. (Our first business is with the Dey of Algiers, and afterwards with the Beys of Tripoli and Tunis. It is a matter of some doubt whether the Emperor of Morocco (for so we presume we must call this barbarian) will not declare his neutrality, and renew the peace for himself.