Kentucky Gazette

SPIRIT OF THE TURKISH GOVERNMENT.

From Bell's London Weekly Messenger.

We have frequently had occasion to express our strong wishes that the British Government would at length adopt some more active part in favour of the Greek Cause, and would even deviate, in some degree, from the strict rule of National Law, to render so great a service to the common cause of Christendom. We are not, indeed, unaware, that main and established principles must not be sacrificed, or even weakened, in favour of particular cases,—or, in other words, that the general rule must not be violated, because it may occasionally bear hard upon an individual instance. It is an unquestionable rule in national law, that one nation shall not interpose in a civil war between another nation and its own subjects, except in the way of friendly mediation. But to this rule, as to all others, there is, we imagine, an exception, and this exception occurs, where the conduct of the parties is such as to affect the rights and duties of neighbouring nations. Now, as respects the Greeks and Turks, we hesitate not to say, that this is the precise state of things. Every day brings us intelligence that no atrocity of the Turkish Government [is too great?], and that the atrocious system of extermination is now the policy. This state of circumstances, therefore, brings their case within the express terms of the exception above stated, and constitutes that extreme condition of things, under which another and a higher law of nations [applies]. The law of nations is,—let no idle [pretext] interpose to set aside the ordinary rule [that one nation should not] interpose between [a] nation and its rebellious subjects, because an interference is contrary to the great rule of the independence of nations as to each other. The exception is, But where the operations of any neighbouring nation whether external or internal, are such as to affect the safety, the duty, or the honour of its neighbours there. such neighbours may interfere, because, under such circumstances, the cause becomes their own. to defend their own safety and honour is, of course, a right of self defence. To perform their own paramount duties,—to defend the first law of God and nature. —to take up arms against a system of extermination and massacre, and to protect those of the same religion as themselves from extermination upon the ground of their religion, are all not rights, but paramount obligations, and therefore constitute an exception to all positive rules whatever. So far as to the question of right, and these considerations are, indeed, so decisively rooted in our minds. that we have not the hesitation of a moment in saying, that there cannot exist two opinions as to the right of assisting the Greeks. It is, indeed, totally another question, what is the line of prudence—what that of policy. The main principle here is—that if we assist the Greeks in the present contest, we destroy the Turkish Empire. We pull down one of the barriers against the predominance of the Russian power, and, in fact, give Turkey to Russia. Either we must endeavour to establish the emancipated Greeks as an independent power under British protection, or we must at once give them to Russia. In the first case we give direct offence to Russia, and perhaps. provoke a general war on the Continent; at any rate. a particular war against ourselves. In all events, we sever all the great and rich provinces of Turkey from the body of her empire, and put her on a condition of defending herself—Russia would instantly march to Constantinople, which must fall almost without defence. The Asiatic provinces would follow, and Russia thus become our neighbour upon the Indian frontier. All these considerations are certainly very important, and, we think, fully justify our statesmen in the delay and reluctance which have occurred through this business. We have had enough of war and Russia is already too strong, too restless, and too ambitious, to be unnecessarily provoked. But, as regards the spirit of the Turkish Government, and the necessity of doing something, we think that a recent event must produce some effect. A paper now before us contains a Firman of the Grand Seignior, by which all the Turkish Magistrates and Authorities are commanded to burn all the copies of the Gospels and Bible, which may be found in their several districts. "We have learned," says the proclamation, "that many thousands of books, such as the Bible, the Gospels the Epistles, and the Epistles of the Apostles, have been recently printed in Europe, and that some hundreds of them have been landed for distribution in my Empire. be it, therefore, ordered, &c. that all such be collected and forthwith burned; and that, if any ships bring such cargoes in future, the said ships shall be obliged to take them back again to Europe." This firman, however. is moderate enough. in comparison of the spirit with which it executed. "It was no sooner made public, in this city." says the letter from Aleppo, than the Cadi called together the chiefs of the several Christian communities, and commanded them (the Christians.) to enjoin all Christians to deliver up any of these books which they might have, adding. that he would hang any Christian who should be discovered to have a Bible or Testament in his possession." It is surely unnecessary to add another word upon this subject. We trust that there are many among us, and even among those in high stations. who will sympathise in this condition of their brother Christians, and will feel that a state of things has arisen, under which it is our bounden duty to contribute something in support of the common cause.