The Daily Alaska Empire

Mexico's Next President

Behind the scenes in Mexico, a complex political struggle is shaping up which may well make that bustling, prosperous nation one of the hemisphere's crucial hot spots within a year.

When President Miguel Aleman became Mexico's chief executive in 1946, it was the first time since 1930 that a civilian had been elected to that job-and only the second time in nearly half a century. The change-over was supposed to signify final relinquishing of political power by Mexico's military rulers.

One of them, however, Gen. Lazaro Cardenas, who held the Presidency from 1934 to 1940, has continued to be the backstage "strong man" of Mexican politics. Cardenas approved, in principle, taking control of government out of the army's hands, and supported Aleman; but the issue has since been complicated by international developments.

Today, with another Presidential election coming up next year, leftish General Cardenas is listening carefully to the arguments of friends and former colleagues who insist that the country, by falling under the influence of big business interests, is drifting rapidly away from its "revolutionary principles."

Their solution-or at least the one they present when talking to him-is for General Cardenas to run again. Privately, few of these friends would really like to see that happen. For Cardenas is entirely too independent for their purposes.

But they feel safe in urging it because there is almost no chance that Cardenas, well content with his present role, would accept. A more likely outcome is that the general will decide to back another military man for the official candidacy. Mexico is still, in practice, a one-party Republic where the opposition is allowed to campaign but never to win.

If Cardenas does put up another general, it will be because he feels that Aleman's regime has grown too chummy with U. S. capitalists. And this is where the complexities come in.

The Mexican army, though it has little or no interest in liberal democratic principles, still symbolizes "liberalism" to a large part of the population, because it fought the revolution against domestic reactionaries. And, quite largely to memories of the U. S. invasion of Vera Cruz in 1916, many old-line, high-ranking military men are anti-American.

Mexico's pro-Communist element, therefore, is astutely seeking to exploit these sentiments for its own ends. Vincente Lombardo Toledaro, red-leaning Mexican labor leader, is one of those who seek to turn Cardenas against civilian administration.

Another is Gen. Heriberto Jara, onetime chairman of the official PRI party and former navy minister, who was awarded a Stalin "peace" prize this year.

If these men succeed in persuading the potent ex-president to follow their advice, it may mean that the real issue in the 1952 election will be Mexico's relations with the U. S. and the western democracies. But that issue is apt to be so deliberately clouded by domestic arguments that Mexican citizens won't realize what they're actually voting for-until it's too late.