The Indianapolis Daily Herald

Resumption of Political Relations Between the Southern States and Northern States as Members of the Union—How it is to be Accomplished.

The Constitution of the Union was disregarded, a long war of sectional hate between the North and South was carried on, a war of arms followed, the Southern States were conquered and taken possession of by military occupation. The Confederate de facto Government was extinguished with the surrender of the armies by which it was upheld, but the Southern States still remained, with their boundaries, except that of severed Virginia, unchanged, and with their State organizations, and their several peoples. Where, now, were these States, in the Union or out of the Union? What was their relation to the Federal Government: who could tell?

It has been finally determined by the Executive Department of the Government that the Southern States are and always have been in the Union, but that they shall be treated as conquered provinces; and if the Congress, the legislative branch of the Government, shall hold upon the question the same way, why, then, the point of law, constitutional or international, as it may be classed, will be settled that the States are now, and ever have been in the Union; and it would seem, therefore, that, being States in the Union, they would have the right to send their members to Congress, that the members sent should be admitted to seats, that then their titles to seats should be inquired into, and the propriety of their holding them, in the usual mode, under the powers of Congress to judge of the qualification of members, and to expel them if unworthy to hold membership in the House to which they may have been elected.

The radical men of the Republican party, however, hold that the Southern States are to be regarded as de facto out of the Union, and, on that ground, to be treated as necessarily "conquered provinces," and, hence, to be re-admitted to the Union or held in a Territorial state at pleasure, and on such terms and conditions as suit the conqueror. In their theory and practice the radical administration (we beg pardon the Executive) while holding that the States are in the Union, still holds that they have a right to treat States so as to treat them. The difference between the wings of the Republican party on this point is, therefore, in words, but in substance, both treat the States as conquered provinces, both hold them out of the Union; one wing because they are out of the Union, the other, while admitting they are in the Union as States, agrees that they should not be allowed any representation in the Union.

The Radicals agree that the Provinces may be re-admitted into the Union with representatives on conditions. The other Republican wing agrees that the States in the Union may be allowed to be represented in the Union on conditions. On the main proposition of conditions they agree, but there is one point of difference, and but one, that we have discovered in the conditions to be exacted, viz: negro suffrage.

The Executive says, the States being now in the Union may be allowed representatives in the Congress of the Union if they do:

1. Abolish slavery. (Already abolished.)

2. Adopt the constitutional amendment of Congress abolishing slavery.

3. Repudiate all debts contracted during the civil war.

The Radicals say the Provinces may come back into the Union as States with representatives, if they will comply with the foregoing conditions and one more, viz: place the negro on perfect equality, in all respects, with the white man, in their several States. On this latter condition, it seems, the fight will be made in Congress. Both wings of the Republican party will hold the Southern members out in the first place, and only disagree as to the number of conditions to be exacted, and the main fight will be on the radical negro suffrage condition, we think, because the Southern States will agree to all the others so as to place themselves within the requirements of President Johnson for admission.

In place of the fourth condition of the radicals, the conservative wing of the Republicans, headed by the President, propose the amendment of the Constitution so as to base representation on voters, which amendment, it is thought, will force the South, in a short time, to make negroes voters. The conservatives say to the radicals, waive your fourth condition for the present, let the provinces in, as States, on their complying with the other three, and then we will propose the Constitutional amendment suggested, and that will be capital stock enough for us, for years, to carry the elections upon, by keeping up and appealing to Northern prejudice against the South, sectional hatred; it will furnish material infinitely, for sectional hostility, and appeals on the subject of equal rights, etc.

Now, we think this, as a stroke of policy, is the more cunning, but we dislike it less than we do the negro suffrage condition of admission, for another reason; it will delay for a long time, perhaps forever, the fatal Mexicanizing of this country by the amalgamation of the races, as the South, after having got into the Union, will never vote for the amendment, and the vote of three-fourths of the States, the number necessary to carry it, can not be obtained without the votes of some of the Southern States. We think this is the real secret of the suggestion of the apportionment amendment. We believe President Johnson, and Governor Morton, and Editor Newcomb are against negro suffrage, and take the proposed amendment project as a thing enabling them to get all the benefit of negro suffrage capital while they are, in fact, defeating it.

We prefer, therefore, the amendment plan of these gentlemen rather than Stevens's immediate negro suffrage condition. If the President and Governor and Editor above named can cheat the radicals in this matter, why it will be a striking case of effecting a good by evil means.

We may, in conclusion add, that it is a time-honored principle of the radical Republicans that it is an usurpation for the President to attempt to organize and recognize States, and that, hence, his States are no States. This appears from the following:

To the supporters of the Government

We have read without surprise, but not without indignation the Proclamation of the President of the 8th of July, 1864.

The supporters of the Administration are responsible to the country for its conduct; and it is their right and duty to check the encroachments of the Executive on the authority of Congress, and to require it to confine itself to its proper sphere.

The President did not sign the bill "to guarantee to certain States whose governments have been usurped, a Republican form of government"—passed by the supporters of his administration in both Houses of Congress after mature deliberation.

The President persists in recognizing those shadows of Governments in Arkansas and Louisiana, which Congress formally declared not to be recognized whose Representatives and Senators were repelled by formal votes of both Houses of Congress—which it was declared formally should have no electoral vote for President and Vice-President.

They are mere creatures of his will. They cannot live a day without his support. They are mere oligarchies, imposed on the people by military orders.

Congress, "the proper constitutional authority," formally declares that there are no State Governments in the rebel States, and provided for their creation at a proper time; and both the Senate and the House of Representatives rejected the Senators and Representatives chosen under the authority of what the President calls the free Constitution and Government of Arkansas.

The President's Proclamation "holds for naught" this judgment, and discards the authority of the Supreme Court, and strides headlong toward the anarchy his Proclamation of the 8th of December inaugurated.

The judgment of Congress which the President defies was the exercise of an authority vested in Congress by the Constitution, to determine what is the established Government in a State, and in its own nature and by the highest judicial authority binding on all other departments of the Government.

Under the Constitution, the right to Senators and Representatives is inseparable from a state government.

If there be a State government the right is absolute.

If there be no State government there can be no Senators or representatives chosen.

The two Houses of Congress are expressly declared to be the sole judges of their own members.

When therefore, Senators and Representatives are admitted, the State government under whose authority they were chosen, is conclusively established; when they are rejected, its existence is as conclusively rejected and denied; and to this judgement the President is bound to submit.

A more studied outrage on the legislative authority of the people has never been perpetrated.

Congress passed a bill: the President refused to approve it, and then by proclamation puts as much of it in force as he sees fit and proposes to execute those parts by officers unknown to the law of the United States and not subject to the confirmation of the Senate.

The bill directed the appointment of Provisional Governors by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.

The President, after defeating the law, proposes to appoint, without law and without the advice and consent of the Senate, Military Governors for the rebel states.

He has already exercised this dictatorial usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated the bill to prevent its limitation.

Such are the fruits of this rash and fatal act of the President—a blow at the friends of his Administration, at the rights of humanity, and at the principles of Republican Government.

The President has greatly presumed on the forbearance which the supporters of his Administration have so long practiced, in view of the arduous conflict in which we are engaged, and the reckless ferocity of our political opponents.

But he must understand that our support is of a cause, and not of a man; that the authority of Congress is paramount, and must be respected; that the whole body of the Union men in Congress will not submit to be impeached by him of rash and unconstitutional legislation; and if he wishes our support, he must confine himself to his executive duties—to obey and execute, not make laws—to suppress by arms armed rebellion, and leave political reorganization to Congress.

If the supporters of the Government fail to insist on this, they become responsible for the usurpations which they fail to rebuke, and are justly liable to the indignation of the people, whose rights and securities, committed to their keeping, they sacrifice.

Let them consider the remedy for these usurpations, and having found it, fearlessly execute it.

B. F. WADE, Chairman Senate Committee.

H. WINTER DAVIS, Chairman Committee House of Representatives on the Rebellious States.