The Hillsborough Recorder

From the Tuscaloosa Monitor,

POLK AND TEXAS.

Mr. Editor: The time has been when it was expected from the Whig writer or speaker, that his remarks should embrace a consideration of all or most of the prominent political topics of the day—when the Bank—the Tariff—the distribution of the proceeds of the sale of the Public Lands—the restriction of Executive power, &c. were all to be discussed and defended, for it and all of those measures were strenuously assailed, and bitterly denounced by the scribblers and declaimers of the Democratic party. But, it appears to me, from their late harangues and addresses, that they are now about to desert those old familiar battle grounds—or about abandoning their time-honored platform of democratic principles, and standing only, upon the 'New Issue,' which has been presented, as desirous of deciding the coming contest for the Presidency, chiefly upon the question of the immediate annexation of Texas. This is the Democratic Hobby of the day (stolen it is true, but intended in their service to perform more drudgery, and to bear more freight, than the weariest hack that ever staggered under its burdens.) If I desired to advance, by any means, however iniquitous or unjust, the interests of the great democratic party—the readiest way is supposed to be, by huzzaing loudly in favor of the annexation of Texas!

Are the feelings of the people to be aroused by inflammatory appeals, and their apprehensions excited in reference to the permanency of our peculiar institutions? Are statistics to be read, and statements to be made, publicly, of the overpowering numbers of our slave population? Statements, which though not so intended, are in my humble opinion, calculated to produce, in one day, and in our very midst, more dangerous results, than would be produced by all the efforts of the Abolitionists in half a century—if it is thus pushed, I say, to arouse and excite the people, why Texas furnishes the ready tocsin of alarm. Texas affords the only vent for this alarming evil; admit Texas now, and all is safe—defer it but a day, a month, a year, and blood will overflow the land, and ruin and desolation must inevitably be the consequence!!—It is certainly a little surprising how these startling truths could have remained so long concealed from observation, and never be dragged to the light, until it was supposed that they might favorably influence the democratic cause in the approaching election. Again, is it thought advantageous to 'the Party,' to inflame the minds of the people against a nation, with which we are at peace, and the sincerity of whose often reiterated expressions of good will, as Mr. Benton has shown, have not been and cannot be disproved! Why Texas is the watchword—annex Texas now, or the lion paw of England will forever snatch it from your grasp! Now, certainly, the policy of England towards Texas, for the last eight years, has not been of a very alarming character; for as Mr. Benton has remarked, she has shown herself to be almost entirely indifferent to its prospects and destiny, and this phantom of English interference is solely and purely an emanation from the heated brain of the luckless, most struck John Tyler.

Such are some of the uses to which this annexation question is made to subserve. But there is another which I will mention. Is there a new-made convert from the whig ranks, who in vain looks around him for some plausible reason for his change: who can make no charge of ingratitude or perfidiousness of friends; upon whose head have been showered all the honors within the ability of his immediate party friends to bestow; in whose behalf they have struggled so faithfully and manfully, that they have scarcely yet recovered from the fatigue of their efforts, which elevated him to office; is there, I say, such a man, willing to descend, at once, smoothly and duly, into the very depths of democracy, he has but to open his eyes to the merits of this all-absorbing question, and he at once becomes a democrat of the first water—patented, labelled, and laid by, for no further use. This annexation question, seems in fact, about to become in reference to the Whig party, what Texas itself has long been to the Union—a refuge for those turbulent, disaffected spirits, whose riddance is anything but an evil. But, yet, by what right does the democratic party arrogate to itself the exclusive guardianship and advocacy of the annexation of Texas? The claim is a fraud upon its very face: Whatever honor attaches to the origination of the measure, belongs exclusively to Mr. Tyler. It is his bantling—with it he underwent travail, and by him it was brought forth. For nine long months—for I believe he underwent the full and legitimate period of gestation—for nine months, in the dark recesses of the white house did he bear in his bosom this secret germ of hope—this dear pledge which was to regain for him the long lost affections of the sovereign People. The happy time at length arrives, and with the assistance of his dry nurse, John Jones of the Madisonian, and the sage midwives of his cabinet, the bantling sees the light of day. But, foolish man! enraptured with its beauties he begins, at once, to proclaim them to the world, and sets up such a cackling, that all eyes are turned in wonder to behold the novelty. Then it was that the Democratic party first-three is languishing glances upon the new-born babe, and with a tenderness of heart abhorring would disgrace the veriest gang of gypsies that ever lived by child stealing, so rudely tore this 'bud of promise' from the arms of its doating parent, and impudently claimed it as its own! I had, to be sure, a numerous progeny already in existence—Anti-Bank, Anti-Tariff, Anti-Distribution, and a half a dozen other anti's, were the hopeful brood that called me Father—but they were a worthless unmanageable set, and had already brought disgrace and misfortune upon the head of their dejected parent. They could now be safely discarded or neglected, and in their stead, the sole prop of its declining age it determined to adopt the bantling—Annexation.

Such, Sir, is the ground upon which the Democratic party set up its claim to be the peculiar guardian and advocate of this Texas question, from the support of which they would drive all who do not fraternize with them in politics. But, unless the signs of the times are very deceptive, the political capital which they are thus striving to manufacture, will avail them but little. With such a candidate as they have presented to the American people, they are destined to inevitable defeat. James K. Polk against Henry Clay! Who for a moment can doubt the issue? Defeat was doubtless equally certain even under their ablest leader, Mr. Van Buren. 'Alas! poor Yorick!' The very mention of his name excites a feeling of sympathy. Tricked and thrown aside by his party—made to give way for one of his own subalterns—politically buried—and, 'unkindest cut of all'—actually invited to attend his own obsequies! We are at a loss to determine in which character he appears to most advantage—the martyr or the philosopher; for even the insult of inviting him to celebrate his own defeat, he bore most philosophically. He thanks them for their polite attention. Why, one would almost be led to believe that if Mr. Van Buren were invited to assist at the burning of his own effigy, he would regret that circumstances deprived him of the pleasure of witnessing so interesting a ceremony.

But James K. Polk is the man!—he is the David to slay the intellectual giant of the Whig party! The days of miracles are past, and they are not likely to be renewed in the elevation of James K. Polk: and should so unlooked for an event occur, it will certainly be one of the most astonishing miracles that have happened since the days of Balaam.

But, Mr. Editor, the opinion is by no means singular that in the approaching contest the leaders of the democratic party are not serious themselves. What, can it be believed that they are willing to trust the guidance of the gallant Ship of State, to the feeble and inexperienced hands of James K. Polk! After having thrown overboard their ablest captains and most skilful pilots—after having thrown aside such men as Cass and Johnson, who, although they might not be able to sail her to advantage, would at least, if it became necessary, nail her flag to the mast, and fight her while she floated—on Van Buren who, skilful in all the intricacies of small craft navigation, and profiting by the mishaps of his last ill-fated voyage, might possibly have avoided the rocks and breakers which beset her—is it possible, I say, that after discarding such men as these, they are willing to entrust the noble ship to one who, at best, is but a 'man before the mast'—nay, to one who had never advanced beyond the dignity of cabin boy to Gen. Jack-out Sack may be their wish, though it is difficult to believe it. But be it so or not, very different is the will of the American people. Of the appeal which is about to be made to them, no true Whig can for a moment doubt the issue. The half-styled democracy may profess to be united; they may raise their puny shouts of enthusiasm for 'Polk and Texas,' an enthusiasm, mock-affected, and oozing from the half-healed wounds of disappointment and discord:—they may attempt to mislead and excite people by inflammatory harangues; they may hang out their emblems—their sun-flower ties, and their rotten polk stalks—All will avail them nothing. When they were better united, we beat them before; and united or not, we will beat them again. We can do it—we must do it—and we will do it.

BOB SHORT.