Worcester Daily Press

Boston Grangers' Meeting.

The first public meeting under the auspices of the recently organized Boston granges, of the new order, was held in Boston yesterday in the rooms of the Commercial Exchange, 43 Commercial street. The meeting was attended by about sixty gentlemen, and presided over by John B. Bartlett, Esq. In opening the meeting Mr. Bartlett explained its object. He said the order of granges was yet in its infancy, but would yet compass a reform in railroad transportation. He introduced Mr. J. C. Abbott, one of the prominent members of the order, as the first speaker. Mr. Abbott read a few thoughts bearing upon the subject in question. There was a revolution sweeping over the country—a great uprising of the people. The spectacle was that of a class whose habits would naturally be to cling to quiet and order, coming forward in masses and demanding the rights of which they had been defrauded. Forbearance was to entail a slavery to capital and monopoly more terrible than that from which we had recently escaped in the South. The speaker quoted from a newspaper to prove that the railroads were ready to spend any amount of money to subject the people to their wishes. But these corporations had yet to learn that they must come to be the servants and not the rulers of the people. Their millions were being drawn from the people fraudulently. The New York Central and the Hudson River road, for instance, with its great traffic and immense income, was not satisfied without watering its stock to a monstrous extent, not less than seven millions on this road alone being false. The interest on this stock was paid the shareholders through unrighteously large and extortionate charges on every bushel of grain carried over their rails. The interest on the waterings of the main line west amounted to no less than ten thousand dollars per mile for its entire length. Shame upon a people that would submit to such robbery! Once highwaymen did their deeds of evil and retired to their den afterward. Now robbery rode on rails of steel and iron, and did its work unblushingly. The speaker pretended to state that all the business of these roads could be carried on at one-fourth the present rates. It had been urged that the building of new railroads would benefit the people by reducing the rates of transportation. But how different had been the result. The markets of foreign countries ought to be supplied from America, but the freight rates were so large as to make such competition impossible to us. The task was indeed herculean that would upset these monopolies, and could only be accomplished by a combination of the people. The organization of grangers was the first body that had ever had any probability of success in this work. The trouble with previous organizations had been that the leaders had not a constituency—with the grangers this was otherwise. They numbered already several hundred thousand members and had spread in their march a feeling of consternation into the camp of monopolists and railroad politicians. Hon. Amasa Walker of North Brookfield followed. He believed it a common interest that the question of railroad monopolies be decided rightly. He had been for forty years a railroad man himself, and had a special desire that they should be brought back to their legitimate uses. It was the question of the age—exactly what regards railroads should be held in by the people. The Yankee legislators shrewdly provided at the first that the state might buy the railroads at a certain price whenever they chose. This was particularly a farmer's question, when two or three hundred per cent. of the original value of grain was demanded by the companies for bringing it east. A gentleman bought corn in Iowa for 15 cents a bushel, sold it in Massachusetts for 71 cents, and then realized only 1 cent a bushel profit. The railroads had swallowed the rest. But again, it was also a manufacturer's question, and a laborer's question, for they were interested in obtaining the lowest possible prices for breadstuffs. It was, besides, a national question, in reference to our exports, as the prices of grain at our seaports made it impossible for us to compete with the raisers of Europe. Then comes the question, "Well, what are you going to do about it?", A platform must be had, and a definite course of action decided upon. The power of state legislatures was limited. We must send good men to congress (Hear, hear!) and depend upon them to make general laws for our redress, fixing the rates of transportation over every road in the nation. A general rate could not, however, be made for all roads. A good idea was for the government to build competing lines near the great roads, but this was only a partial remedy. The fact was that there was in reality but one railroad in the country. Another plan was for the government to buy all the roads in the country and lease them under proper restrictions to responsible parties. This plan, though attended with difficulty, was practicable and feasible. The plan was a large one, but the object to be attained was also large. The government could, if it was thought better to do so, buy a few large roads to commence with, and see how the thing worked. In this country anything needed by the people can only be achieved by political action. We are not managed by rulers, but have to do these things ourselves. This may be deplorable, but it is true. There was another thing that made considerable trouble—the false standard of our currency. Mr. Walker repeated his views on the questions of tariff, protection, etc., at length. He said what was now needed was for the people to give their support to the men and newspapers who supported them. A new political party was needed to do this business. Neither of the present parties were good for anything in this issue. The work was a good one, and there was great inducement for its adherents to go on. Able champions were coming forward, who dared to say what they thought, such as Shellabarger of Ohio and others. (Cheers.) He had hoped to see Hon. Josiah Quincy at this meeting, but found him absent. In congress the speaker had seen with wonder the immense power wielded there by the Union Pacific railroad. In starting the present campaign pamphlets should be printed and placed in every house, explaining the course and the means to be used in forwarding its measures. The speaker had no doubt that the cause would succeed, the trade of the country would be freed, and the whole people rejoice as heartily as they did over the abolition of chattel slavery. Numerous calls were made for General Banks, who had entered the hall quietly, and as he came forward he was greeted with cheers. He said that his concurrence in the general ideas which had been expressed was unlimited. The state had yet the power to control the railroads, and behind this the constitution gave them the power to take possession at any time. He believed the cause of the grangers would be carried to a successful issue to the satisfaction of all. Freeman Walker, Esq., of Brookfield said he had seen with regret that the farmers were receiving but small part of the liberal prices paid here for grain. An Indiana farmer would have to start four thousand bushels of corn east to pay for a $1000 piano, but if the piano maker wanted to buy corn with his money he would get but 600 bushels. Now what had become of the other 3,400 bushels. Why, the railroads had swallowed it up! Our manufacturers were being alarmed at the rise of the western factories, but the cause of their rise was that the farmers could not get a living raising grain. Aid them in getting the right prices and we aid ourselves by selling them our manufactured products—both being benefited where now the railroads take everything. Mr. Amasa Walker rose again to make a few remarks on our ruinous policy of encouraging the rise of factories everywhere except at home. In Canada and Nova Scotia, where formerly American stuff found a ready market, home products are now sold. After the chairman had announced a secret meeting of the grange at 4 o'clock p. m., the meeting was adjourned.