Gazette Of The United States And Daily Evening Advertiser

Extract from the Virginia Centinel, published at Winchester.

It has been suggested, that the local situation of the Insurgents requires indulgence. Considering them as a part of the federal union. I acknowledge myself, Sir, a stranger to the title on which a claim to such indulgence is founded. It is true the legislature of Pennsylvania has exempted them for many years from the payment of taxes; but have they, in consequence of it, been better citizens, or more peaceable neighbors. It appears rather to have produced a dislike to every species of taxation: the excise is odious to them, not so much because it is an excise, but because it is a tax; and a tax being a mode of lessening their quantum of money, it is sufficient with them to oppose it.

But what are their pleas for exemption? They are settled on a frontier country, it is said, and exposed to the depredations of the savages. True; but who forced them to the frontier country? Did they not go there from choice? Did they not settle there from the prospect of advantage? Nay, that they could make a better provision for themselves and families there than elsewhere? Besides, if there is a foe to contend with, are they at all the trouble and expense of the war? Do they hire and pay all the troops requisite for the service? Or do they furnish all the provisions and military stores gratis? No; the Union has expended millions of dollars in equipping armies for their protection, while they refuse to pay a single shilling for their own defence; nay, insult the government and its officers for demanding it: and yet these are the people who are entitled to be treated with lenity, indulgence, and an exemption from taxes.

It has been said, and that too by a member of Congress, that the Excise Law should be suspended in their favor for a limited time. How the said member of Congress came to adopt such a sentiment, I cannot comprehend; for had he been sufficiently acquainted with the federal constitution, he must have known that Congress have no such power as to suspend that law in favor of any part of the community. In the first clause of the eighth section of the first article, the constitution expressly declares, that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. Can the excise then be uniform throughout the States, and yet a part exempted from it altogether. If so, a part must be equal to the whole. Quum teneatis amici.

But granting, for a moment, that the law could be suspended partially in favour of the western opposition, what would be the consequence? A part of the community who would pay no tax, would, in this case, by their representatives, have the power of taxing others who did. A measure this that completely does away the very essence of 'equal rights, and equal liberties. It tumbles into ruin the doctrine of equality; and, like the stroke of the Magician's rod, causes a privileged order to rise in its room. Besides, the doctrine of suspension is fraught with the worst of consequences to society, from the precedent it would establish.—There are Tories and other disaffected persons among us; who may have influence enough to form a party in opposition to certain laws they may deem oppressive. To appease these, if Congress wishes to act consistently, the suspension act must be enlarged to embrace their case; and so it may go on, ad infinitum, to the suspension of all law and government.

No man, I believe, who is a friend to the Union; but would wish to see the federal government possess sufficient energy, and to exercise that energy constitutionally; when occasion requires it. Relaxation in the reins of government is too apt to be construed into weakness belief of weakness begets contempt of the laws; and, when this is the case, all subordination is at an end. This is a serious evil, and one which should be carefully guarded against, if we wish to preserve any semblance of a well regulated policy. If the citizens reflect upon these things and weigh them in their own minds, regardless of the idle tales of the incendiary there is no doubt, Sir, but their own good sense will determine them to give the executive, cheerfully and willingly, every assistance in their power, if requisite, for the support of that which should be dear to us all—peace and good government.

I am, Sir, your's, &c.
A BACK-WOODS-MAN.

Winchester, August 22, 1794