The National Intelligencer And Washington Advertiser

WASHINGTON CITY.

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 26.

The predicted period has at length arrived for a dispassionate estimate of the measures, recently taken by the administration, in regard to our foreign relations. Inasmuch as the great mass of a community are not gifted with the faculty of accurately associating causes with their effects, and as they are too generally played upon by a set of men actuated by personal, and often sinister motives, it ought not to surprize us, that a temporary delusion is frequently excited, productive of impatience at, if not hostility to, the measures best fitted to promote their interests. It is, perhaps, inseparable from a free government, to have a body of men constantly in opposition, who, not contented with a virtuous resistance of encroachment and oppression, generally endeavor to effect their purposes by misrepresenting the motives, traducing the characters, and distorting the measures of those who hold the reins of power. A mournful experience proves that these men, in the zealous pursuit of their objects, will totally lose sight of the duties which they owe to their country, and even espouse with ardor the most unjust conduct of foreign governments. By these means the public judgment is obscured, and a considerable portion of the community are led to ascribe all the evils they endure to those whom they have constituted the guardians of their rights, instead of imputing them to the unjust conduct of a foreign power, which, but for the measures they condemn, would have oppressed them with a ten-fold violence. This has been strikingly the case with respect to the embargo. Those who imposed it have been represented as abandoned to French influence, as unfriendly to commerce, as hostile to liberty. Great and respectable sections of the union have swallowed the poison, and have been almost inflamed into a paroxism of passion, ready to seek its criminal gratification in raising its arm against its own government. But the bright day of judgment and retribution has at length arrived, when a virtuous nation will not withhold the tribute of its warmest thanks from an administration, whose sole ambition has ever been to advance the happiness of its constituents, even at the sacrifice of its present popularity. Thanks to the sage, who now so gloriously reposes in the shades of Monticello, and to those who shared his confidence.

In pronouncing this judgment, every suggestion of magnanimity recommends a forbearance from opening anew the wounds which have so grievously irritated our friendship with G. Britain. Generosity requires, that we should drop a veil over them. Justice, however, does not less forcibly call upon us, to estimate aright the causes which have led to the existing state of things, as opening to us a copious volume of experience, that may serve in future to irradiate our way.

In the first place, then, it may be boldly alleged, that the revocation of the British orders is attributable to the embargo. The non-intercourse act, connected with the partial repeal of the embargo, had not taken place when Mr. Oakley left England, nor was it expected to take place. On the contrary, there was every manifestation, on the part of our government, in all its departments, to adhere to the embargo, or to take the alternative of war. Votes to this effect had passed the two Houses of Congress by great majorities. Mr. Canning had, moreover, a short time before, virtually put the veto of his government on the proposition of ours to raise the embargo as to England, and retain it as to France, provided England rescinded her orders. As this is the precise proposition submitted by the non-intercourse act, it proves that there must have been some other cause for this veto, at the time it was pronounced by Mr. Canning. Mr. Canning, in fact, assigns a cause, by declaring that his government would not rescind her orders till France had withdrawn her decrees, And yet France has not withdrawn her decrees to this day. As the effect, then, is produced without the cause then assigned, it is evident that it must have flowed from some other cause. That cause is the embargo. No other cause can be assigned. That it was quickened into activity, by the disasters attending the British arms in Spain, may be true. But this proves nothing more, than that the embargo was an instrument, calculated to influence the Conduct of foreign governments to us through the medium of contingent events. If I withhold my friendship from any one, it is not the particular act that injures him, but the effects flowing from it. So, in the case of the embargo, it was the almost inevitable effects expected from it, that recommended it as a measure, the best fitted, in all human probability.
It was the duty, to vindicate our rights by a solemn appeal to the interests of those who violated them. In this, and in this way only, was its efficacy contended for. It was said, that, while it secured our property by drawing it into our own bosom, it would for a time avert war, during which time it would probably teach those who aggressed upon our rights, that their own interests dictated a removal of their aggressions.

Let us go back to the period, when the Embargo was laid. At that time England stood alone, (for Sweden is too trifling to form an exception) among the nations of Europe. As far as a consolidation of power, unknown since the days of Charlemagne, could effect it, the trade of the continent was sealed to her. In this posture of affairs, she issued her Orders in Council, interdicting to us all continental trade. The Embargo was the consequence.

In imposing this Embargo, it was said that England would principally feel it—

In the diminution of her manufactures.

In the diminution of her trade.

In the diminution of her taxes arising from imports.

In the want of naval supplies.

In its effects on her colonies.

We all recollect the immediate sensation produced by it in England. The table of the House of Commons was filled with remonstrances against the Orders in Council, and the Gazettes overflowed with manifestations of the national sensibility. At this moment, when but a few months had elapsed, which had however afforded the best ground for the hope that the Orders would soon be rescinded, the memorable Spanish revolution blazed out, and the British ministry seized it, without delay, as the glad harbinger of brighter days. The popular flame was kindled on the side of the patriots, unprecedented exertions were made in their behalf, an immense army was raised, the navy increased, and the rich American as well as European possessions of Spain thrown open to England. Her languishing manufactures received new life blood, her commerce expanded on a bolder wing, and she laughed at our folly in giving her a monopoly of the trade of the world. For a time things go on swimmingly—Success inspires confidence, and we are sternly told, that the British Orders will not be revoked till the French decrees are rescinded. While the tide of good fortune flowed thus impetuously, the impaired effects of the Embargo, although far from inconsiderable, are either lightly felt, or are submitted to in the hope of our soon abandoning it. It is resolved to see who can stand out the longest.

But this prosperous tide turns, with a revulsion equal to its original impetus; and now it is, that the florid complexion of hope is sicklied o'er with the pale hue of melancholy. Reflection is substituted for action, and it is foreseen, perhaps, that the people of England, however able to support the animated exertions of courage, will sink under the required patience of fortitude. Fortunately, at this crisis, the intelligence reaches them, that the government of the United States strong in the affections of the nation are determined not to relax; that a new magistrate had been elected by a vast majority, whose unbending course would pursue the same line with his predecessor; that the Embargo would be continued, unless exchanged for war. Under these circumstances the British government wisely determines for peace with us. She feels the appeal carried to her interests; spontaneously renders reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake; and offers to rescind her Orders on our resuming a free commercial intercourse with her.

However, then, the appeal of the Embargo to her interests was delayed, it was not frustrated, by the Spanish revolution. Had it been entirely frustrated by it, its wisdom could not have been impeached, as that revolution was an event not then to have been calculated upon. But the moment its abortion replaced things on the footing that preceded it, we find the appeal operating with a decisive, an irresistible force, conclusively demonstrating its wisdom. We repeat it, then, the revocation of the British Orders is strictly attributable to the Embargo.

The piece signed Salus, has been sent to the Mayor of the City, who will, no doubt, pay a proper attention to the object of the writer.