Lynchburg Virginian

From the London Times—13th.

With reference to Europe, and especially to this country, it can hardly be doubted that the language of the new Administration of France will be pacific, and the interests common to ourselves and to the French will naturally prescribe to us the observance of a conciliatory attitude. We have no doubt that the spirit of a great majority of the French nation is decidedly pacific, and that they are perfectly aware of the additions which war taxes and the conscription must make to burdens which they already find excessive. But, however essential this policy of peace may be to the domestic interests of France, we have seen by two memorable examples that it requires no ordinary courage to brave the taunts to which a manful adherence to pacific principles exposes a statesman from the thousand voices of an unscrupulous opposition. MM. Guizot and Cavaignac stood the brunt of that unpopularity; but weaker men would have plunged into the extravagance rather than have endured accusations preferred against them. We acknowledge therefore, that we look with great solicitude to the course which will be pursued by the French Government, especially in the affairs of Italy. The recent change in the Piedmontese Ministry has aggravated the disastrous consequences of Lord Palmerston's ill-fated mediation, and the precarious state of things, which is the result of our interposition in Italy, leaves the door of that country open to the direct influence of the French Government. Under an entirely new set of men, all the faint security for the duration of peace which we may have derived from the straight-forward and temperate conduct of General Cavaignac and his Ministers is inevitably dissipated. The relations of France and Europe have to begin anew, and to begin under circumstances of some doubt and suspicion. One principle, however, remains established, and will be observed, we doubt not, by all the continental states as well as by ourselves,—we mean that of complete deference for the form of government and the temporary rulers of the French people. Their rights, their merits, and their characters, it rests not with us as a nation to judge; and, as long as their acts are governed by amicable intentions and good faith, they will doubtless receive the same proofs of consideration at the hands of all ranks and all parties of British statesmen.

From the London Times.

In the morning of February, the 24th, France was a monarchy; in the evening it was a republic. Short sighted spectators were ready to condole with the men who had fallen into the rear of that furious advance, and who after laying the foundation of the victory, saw others pluck the prize. It is the law of revolutions that the foremost ranks fall. Governments are taken like citadels. The leaders of the assault fill the ditch for their followers to walk over. The ardent spirits of the Hotel de Ville were the forlorn hope that stormed the breach. They have fallen. Time has devoted its offspring. The Juggernaut has crushed all who drew it. Their place is supplied by the servants of a constitutional King, who appear on the stage surrounding a Pretender to the empire. In all this we find nothing that will enable us to form positive conclusions or even probable conjectures as to the fate of new France. We can only read the ingratitude, or the jealousy of Republicans, if not the condemnation of the Republic. We can only gather that there is no loyalty, because no appreciation of loyalty, in France; and that the faithful servant of a Republic fares even worse than the faithful servant of a King.

The election of Louis Napoleon can only be regarded as the result of a coalition between a multitude of contending parties, which are united on one point, only—namely, their hostility to the men who accomplished the revolution of February and to the Republic they have established. General Cavaignac is the representative of that Republic, and it is in that capacity that he has forfeited the support of the nation. But this species of triumph over the principles or professions of the purer democracy leaves every thing else to be determined hereafter, as the case may be, by force or by chance.