The Charlotte Journal

Communication,

Mr. Editor: I have noticed with pleasure, the zeal with which you have combatted and the success with which you have resisted the base attempts on the part of the friends of J. K. Polk to manufacture a Whig out of a known and acknowledged Tory. But the question does not affect the character, the patriotism, and the standing of the nominee of the Loco Foco party, except so far as he permits his friends to pursue such a course. A gentleman and patriot, would be slow to wear the honors, which belong to others, and which he knows were surreptitiously snatched from the brow of one of the purest patriots of the Revolution. Had not the party leaders, the indiscreet friends of the present nominee laid sacrilegious hands upon the virtues which belonged to Col. Thomas Polk and endeavored to transfer them to another, it is not presumable that a word would have been said in disparagement of the ancestor of James K. Polk. But when the attempt was making to create a hero out of a Tory, and at the expense of one, whose fame is dear to every lover of freedom, it was expecting too much of the Whigs of Mecklenburg, to sit tamely by and witness without an effort to avert, such gross injustice. The Whig press though not disposed to assail, but act upon the defensive, has yet had a busy time, in following the opposing party in all its tortuous movements. First, it was announced that J. K. Polk was the grandson of Col. Thomas Polk, the prime mover of the Mecklenburg Declaration—and therefore that the blood of a noble Whig flowed in his veins. When this was found to be untenable—being denounced by the Whig press, it was then said, 'it was a mere mistake in a name,' that Ezekiel Polk was the man intended, who was the soul and body of the whole movement in Mecklenburg, a signer of that imperishable instrument, the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. Well, this had to be given up after a long and arduous struggle, and a second examination had of the archives, in our country's capital, it was given up, and a faint apology offered for the mistake, by saying that the eye happening to rest upon the name of Thomas Polk, it was mistaken for that of Ezekiel—still, although he was not a signer, he was active in the cause, and bore a conspicuous part in the struggle for Independence. But no said the Whig press—he did indeed in the beginning when danger of appointment came. He came into North Carolina, Ezekiel Polk went in and took protection. This was at once pronounced to be a Whig lie, and the country was ransacked to procure affidavits to prove that Ezekiel was a good Whig. Well, what do these certificates amount to? Why, that some of the deponents never heard of his being a Tory—and some of them judging was knowing to the fact, that he did go in and take protection, but it was to save his property. Here was a sad predicament—the majority never heard of his being a Tory, but some of the most substantial and reliable, knew that he took protection. What is to be done? The leaders must either disgrace their own witnesses or admit the fact. So after a long time, it is given up that Ezekiel took protection from the British, while his brother and friends were fighting for their country. But what of that—many besides Ezekiel took protection in the Revolution—it was justifiable under the existing circumstances. Ah, indeed, has it come to this? NO DISCREDIT TO TAKE PROTECTION! Why what was it? No less than swear allegiance to King George—engage not to resist the arms of his majesty during the struggle for Independence; and the person who it is said had pledged support of Revolutionary principles. You have convicted the getters-up of certain certificates of forgery—but this I suppose is all right in the school of morals with which your opponents are so familiar. The end I suppose will justify the means. Now, if three of these certificates got up in the very vicinity where the Polks lived, are proved to be forgeries, certainly it is fair to presume that the others are so; and therefore, you do well to caution the Tennesseans, where these certificates are intended to operate. And if J. K. Polk does not frown upon such proceedings, then he is to be esteemed guilty. But if he repudiates such doings, and disclaims all fellowship with the actors, then the mere fact of his ancestor having done wrong ought not to affect his standing, although the indiscretions of his friends and the wicked attempts made to carry his election by intrigue and misrepresentations must militate against his prospects. It has been a source of considerable amusement to peruse the certificates adduced to bolster up the preposterous claim of Ezekiel Polk to be a genuine Whig. Some of these certificates are wholly of a negative character, and some of them prove the fact of his taking protection, and of his torvism as clearly as any of those produced professedly to convict him. For instance, in that of Geo. Alexander, (I think it is) after admitting the fact of his taking protection, it is said, when Cornwallis went South Ezekiel Polk moved his property to the North. Now, what the plague did he do that for if he was a Whig? Other Whigs brought their property back: but it seems Ezekiel did not consider his safe, among his Whig brethren. The truth is, he did not feel safe either in his person or property, after wearing the pine-top badge and familiarizing himself with the camp of Cornwallis; and probably his fate would have been that of some others, had it not been for the influence of his family and friends and the high respect in which they were held. Had he not kept out of the way, it is quite possible the present nominee would have had as good cause of dislike to the Whigs, as the unfortunate wight in Ohio, who being asked if he intended to vote the Whig ticket, replied—"D-n the Whigs, they hung my grandfather in the Revolution." By the way, in this mania for certificate making, it might be useful to forge a few with a view to bolster up the character of some of these deponents, and I would recommend it to the special attention of the gentleman who figured so conspicuously on the 23d July, and his coadjutor, whom you denominate the "political pedlar." The certificate of George Alexander reminds me of one of that name, who during the Revolution, was one of a company, who went on a plundering expedition to the neighborhood of Lynche's Creek. Returning from an indiscriminate plundering of Whig and Tory, by the old Indian trail, which the company had taken for greater security, George unexpectedly encountered Col. Washington's troop of light horse.—He was of course compelled to give an account of himself and exhibit the contents of his load. Among other things found in his possession, was a "petticoat." With this he was arrayed, by order of Col. Washington and marched to the Cheraw Hills. Now, it is not affirmed that this was the identical George, of certificate notoriety, for after the exposure you have made, it is questionable if any such George now lives but it is affirmed that it did happen to a George Alexander. But enough of Col. Polk's ancestry. He cannot help what his grandfather did. Let him cut himself loose from the party friends who have been the means of disgracing his ancestry—let him disclaim all fellowship with such proceedings and he will stand redeemed from the foul stains which rests upon his family. There are matters of higher importance than these. He is permitting his name to be used by his Janus-faced party, in a way which no honorable man would do. He is Free Trade and Anti-Tariff in the South—a protectionist in the North—the pro slavery candidate in the South—the anti slavery candidate in New York—the Texas candidate in the South—now prepared to prove to the North, that this is a mere humbug—but this of course is all right in a pie-bald party, which thinks it no harm to swear allegiance to the British crown, and whose leaders can forge certificates to suit their purpose. The alarming feature in public affairs, is the intermeddling of British Capitalists and Manufacturers to subvert our institutions. Our Democratic friends engaged in an arduous contest for political power, are slow to believe, that their cause is identified with such insidious attempts. If they were sensible of the matter, they would be as ready as the Whigs, to denounce the unhallowed interference with our institutions. The advocates of Free Trade, the enemies of Domestic Industry do not successfully the contests do not reflect upon the consequences which will follow. It will be hard to check and put a stop to this interference, when once admitted. We know that at least half a million of dollars have been subscribed in England for the purpose of disseminating Free Trade principles in the U. States.—We know that a great variety of newspapers have been established in the Northern Cities, for the purpose of advocating this doctrine. These papers are sent gratuitously throughout the length and breadth of the land. Now, who pays for these papers? Not the party leaders. They are not able to meet the vast expense. Large exactions are made of the office-holders—but what is this to the vast amount of expenditure? It is clear that British Gold is used to a vast extent, to carry the election. and if successful, we might to all intents and purposes be British Colonies still. The great body of the Loco Foco party is honest, but are kept in ignorance by their leaders. They are taught to discredit every thing affirmed by the Whigs and their leaders only communicate such things as they think will further their views. It is a fact, that the party is always strongest where is least intelligence. This is me of the party are intelligent; on the contrary, there are thousands as well informed and intelligent as Whigs; but I say, without fear of contradiction by any honest and candid Loco Foco, that that party is always strongest where there is the least intelligence and where the fewest people can read. Take Edgecombe county for instance, or take Shenandoah in Virginia, and here you find a strong party and ignorant people, consequently kept in the dark by party leaders. It is not therefore to be supposed that these people will be informed that the British Capitalists are sending hundreds of thousands of dollars into this country, to operate on our elections. Neither will the truth be told them in regard to Texas. For instance, a short time ago, in Shenandoah, where the great body of the citizens are Germans, unacquainted with our language and history, the following dialogue was had. 'Who is dish Polk and Dallas dat our party ish going for,' says an old Dutch farmer to his friend; and was answered, that Mr. Polk and Dallas were great friends of Gen. Jackson and Texas. "Oh! ' says the old Dutchman; 'Texas,' and who is dish 'Jake Texas.' 'I don't exactly know,' says the other, 'but I have been told that Mr. Texas is a young man who was raised by Gen. Jackson, and is a fine young man and the old General is very fond of him.' 'Well, if dat ish de fact,' says the old Dutchman, 'hurrah for Polk and Dallas and Jake Texas.' I regard the approaching election as one fraught with momentous consequences. If lost to the Whigs, there will be a total subversion of the policy which has been pursued for 30 years—or rather from the commencement of the Government. The dominant party in a sister State are waiting the issue, and if the whole system which has obtained heretofore, is not abandoned, threaten disunion. Now, who is best qualified for a crisis like this, Mr. Polk or Mr. Clay? Manifestly Mr. Clay. He has always shown himself equal to any emergency. Besides, from his happy tact, in conciliating all parties, I would rather trust him in adjusting the Tariff, than any man in existence. If it operates onerously on any part of the Union, you may depend upon it, he will be ready to recommend such a change as will affect all equally.—He has never been afraid to do his duty regardless of the effect, which it might have on his popularity in different sections. If the Southern People would have a fair adjustment of their grievances, whether real or imaginary, it is the part of wisdom to vote for Henry Clay. But such is the prejudice of party, that too many are blind to their own interests. It will depend upon the party denominated Whig to elect him. Every Whig therefore should be at his post, just as though the election would turn upon his individual vote. The Whigs of this State lost the Presidential Election in 1836 through pure apathy. They had just come out of the Gubernatorial Election triumphant, and they thought there was no danger in the Presidential. Numbers of Whigs from this very county absented themselves from the polls, because they thought their absence in the great mass of votes, would not be missed. Many of them were out of the State, and numbers had gone to market, who could have easily arranged their business in such a way as to have been home on that day. Some seven or eight voters it is recollected were in one company on their return from Camden and were within the bounds of the county, but did not think worth while to go to any of the precincts. Now, these things may occur again, but it is hoped every one who has the right, will not fail to exercise it on the day of Election. A failure to do this may be the cause of unavailing regret through the rest of life. EVERY VOTE WILL COUNT AND ONE VOTE MAY TURN THE SCALE.

Oct 4, 1844.

SYDNEY.