Gazette Of The United States, & Philadelphia Daily Advertiser

Late Foreign Articles

VIA BALTIMORE.

By the ship Mount Vernon, captain Myrick from London.

RASTADT, November 7.

The day before yesterday the deputation of the empire determined upon their answer to the French note, of which the Austrian note forms the basis, and indeed many of the expressions are the same, and yesterday the Imperial plenipotentiary delivered it to the French legation. Its principal contents are as follows:

The deputation of the empire are unable to explain how the French plenipotentiaries in their note of the 28th October, in reply to that of the deputation of the 17th, have confined themselves to a general refusal, and not satisfied with that, have even embittered that refusal with expressions and insinuations which at the moment of approaching conciliation, must necessarily be as unexpected as in public diplomatic discussions between two powers treating for peace, and mutually respecting each other, they are unusual. If the deputation of the empire have been unable to overleap difficulties which arose out of the nature of the case, at least, they have not endeavored to protract the business by the mode of discussion, but rather by means of discussion to establish a fair basis for decision and as they have exerted themselves in a particular manner to state every thing in a clear point of view, and to avoid all duplicity they could have wished to know the passages in their notes, in which the French plenipotentiaries imagine that they perceive any thing equivocal. They direct their attention, and they insist only upon those propositions which they themselves consider right and just, &c. &c.

If, however, the French plenipotentiaries now begin to reproach the deputation of the empire, that they are not serious in the desire of peace which they ever profess; it requires only to glance over the progress of the preceding negotiations to form an accurate estimate of what the deputation have done to obtain peace; after which no man can believe that such a charge could have been seriously advanced. [Here follows an enumeration of the sacrifices made by the empire, omitted in the papers come to hand.]

Greater sacrifices no nation which is desirous of remaining free, independent, and supported by its own power, could make—to such concessions and conditions no nation that was not actuated by the most lively desire of peace, as a period to the sufferings of mankind, could have consented. Upon what can the reproach, that the deputation are averse to peace, be founded? Can it be that they have to take upon them the debts of municipal bodies on the right bank of the Rhine—in fact mere private debts, which even the French republic does not consider as public debt, and of which, in future, it would probably become the principal creditor: Or is the charge founded upon their proposal, that those men who hitherto were German citizens should not be treated as French emigrants; that those men who have been reduced to misery by the war, should not be rendered still more miserable by a peace? The German empire will sacredly observe the articles of peace that may be concluded. Conditions, however, which are essentially inconsistent with the basis of peace originally laid down, because they, in fact, extend the pretensions of the French over all the right bank of the Rhine—Conditions which are incompatible with the national honor of Germany, which involve the ruin of the citizens of Germany; which bring its political existence into danger—conditions which engage the German people to something equivalent to a standing tribute; which would consequently paralyze all its powers of production, annihilate all its national force—such conditions which, in fact, it is impossible to fulfil, the deputation cannot, and must not accept. To them the interest of Germany has been entrusted, their duty prescribes to them even in their most unequivocal desire of peace not to descend to conditions of such a nature. These duties those of justice and integrity—it is which the deputation have expressed in the contents of their last note. The conditions which interest so many unfortunate and ruined individuals, concern no cessions of territory, no arrangements of boundary, no commercial advantages, but they concern the rights, the property, the happiness, nay the life itself of German subjects. The national dignity has imposed it as a law upon the deputation, to speak. The deputation demand nothing but what, in every peace, in every cession of territory, by the general law of nations, it has been usual to stipulate.

The deputation are convinced that the sentiments contained in their former note, as well as the observations in the present, they may submit without anxiety to their contemporaries and to posterity. They still however rely with firm confidence upon the justice and good intentions of the French government, that these observations in themselves so well founded, will make a deep impression on the minds of the French plenipotentiaries and that the latter, in the conviction that the deputation have done their utmost to effect a complete conciliation, will no longer refuse to declare themselves in a satisfactory and conciliatory manner upon the whole of the proposals contained in the note of the 17th of October.

The second answer of the deputation of the empire regards the fortress of Ehrenbreitstein, the revictualling of which they demand in the most express terms.

November 8.

Besides the note of the deputation and the imperial commissioners respecting Ehrenbreitstein, the Prussian legation have delivered in another. It is expressed in very strong terms. The following are its principal contents:

The minister plenipotentiary of his Prussian majesty can by no means approve the statements in the French note of October