The National Intelligencer And Washington Advertiser

FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1800. THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.

To the Freemen of Maryland.

ON Monday you will be called upon to discharge one of the most momentous duties which our republican form of government imposes. In other countries the people are governed without their consent; they are governed by tyrants: in our country the people govern themselves; all the good which our country enjoys is derived from their prudence, and all the evil from their indiscretion.

Think, then, I entreat you, with deliberation before you give a vote which may decide the fate of the United States. The election for President was designed by the framers of our Constitution to be a plain one, which every citizen might comprehend—But the intrigues of party, the aspiring ambition of an individual, have encompassed it with darkness and difficulty.

You are not called upon merely to prefer one man to another, to say whether you desire Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Adams to be President; but you may give a vote which, without intending it, may make Mr. Pinckney or Mr. Hamilton President.

For it is an unquestionable fact that if Mr. Pinckney shall be the nominal President Mr. Hamilton will be the real one. It is a fact too that a party of men, with Mr. Hamilton at their head, have determined, if possible, by one bold stratagem, to get rid of Mr. Adams, by giving their exclusive support to Mr. Pinckney, knowing that Mr. Pinckney will be subservient to their views—I say, fellow citizens, that this is a fact. It is true that Mr. Hamilton has just published a Pamphlet in which he declares the very opposite of this—But actions speak louder than words—The pamphlet of which I speak is from beginning to end, a tissue of reproaches cast upon Mr. Adams. He is over and over again declared to be incompetent to the office of President; and in addition to Mr. Hamilton's declared conviction of his insufficiency, he entertains towards him the most lively personal resentment, which he repeatedly announces. He affirms that Mr. Adams is a vain and weak man, passionate to excess, the creature of impulse, inconstant as the wind. The pamphlet in which he endeavors to prove this to be the character of Mr. Adams was printed about a week ago, just in time to reach the Southern States, and to have there the desired effect, unimpaired by any explanation or refutation of its contents by the friends of Mr. Adams.

Who, then, can doubt that the intention of Mr. Hamilton is to destroy Mr. Adams by the election of general Pinckney.

To what great cause, are we to ascribe the dire hatred of Mr. Hamilton to Mr. Adams? Is it to a love of his country, as he vauntingly pretends? Or is it to a sincere desire to maintain in its strength the Federal interest; when the direct effect of his conduct is to expose, divide and weaken it.

No: these are not the causes. You have decided for yourselves what the real causes are, when I state to you two facts.

When the illustrious Washington, the commander of our armies, died, Mr. Hamilton expected to be appointed his successor by Mr. Adams. Mr. Adams did not appoint him. Further, in conjunction with Congress, he disbanded the army: and with the disbanding of the army vanished all the arrogant hopes of Mr. Hamilton.

Hear another fact—Mr. Adams's letter to Tench Coxe, lately published, charges the government of our country with having been under British influence. Recollect that Mr. Hamilton is an Englishman by birth; recollect that the phalanx that supports him through thick and thin consists almost entirely of Englishmen; recollect his avowed declarations, undenied by him, of his attachment to monarchy, and can you doubt that in his opinion, Mr. Adams committed an inexpiable crime in impressing the people with a jealousy of British influence.

Here then you behold the keys to Mr. Hamilton's high toned resentment. This resentment is not of a light kind. Its gratification is conducted with system and deep premeditation.

Candidates, in this state, as well as in all others, are offered, who, under the name of Federalists, are in reality the political enemies of Mr. Adams, and the political friends of Mr. Hamilton—and Mr. Pinckney. They will not tell you or because candor does not suit their ends. But judge them by their actions. The late abortive attempt to deprive you of your elective right, was intended to secure to Mr. Pinckney, to the exclusion of Mr. Adams, all the votes of Maryland. The friends of the measure knew that you were too upright and too enlightened to be the tools of any man of aspiring ambition; but they confided in being able to mould to their purposes a body of men elected with that very view.

Be assured, then my fellow citizens, that every candidate denominated federal will, if elected, vote for Mr. Pinckney and not for Mr. Adams; and rest assured that Mr. Pinckney if President will be synonymous with Mr. Hamilton.

Are you prepared for this event? Are you prepared for an immense funded debt, a gigantic standing army, a war with France, the overthrow of your republic, and an establishment of monarchy? These are solemn enquiries. Make them, I conjure you, with a sincere desire, to form true opinions of men. Having formed them, act for yourselves. From what I have stated you can vote only either for Mr. Pinckney or Mr. Jefferson; for Mr. Adams is out of the question.

If, for the above reasons you do not think that Mr. Pinckney will make a good President, Mr. Jefferson is your only resource.

Examine his character. His friends believe him not only wise but honest; they believe him to be a true friend to his country; they believe him to be a genuine republican. His enemies acknowledge his talents, his dignity of public as well as private character. All agree that he is independent. He is the friend of peace with all the world. Such a man must be your friend.

A VOTER.