The National Intelligencer And Washington Advertiser

It is a natural and necessary consequence of a long war between the commercial states of Europe that the neutral nations are employed to carry on much of the general commerce of the belligerents. From the custom of privateering and maritime captures, neither the French or English traders can sail so often as in a time of peace ; they are compelled therefore, to transfer the greater part of their trade to the neutral nations. The Americans in the present century, like the Dutch in earlier ages, are of all nations the best adapted for this carrying trade. They have almost invariably small capitals, and therefore are rather suited to act as factors for others. than as merchants for themselves. The right of neutrals to this free general commerce will not admit the doubt of a moment. But as such a general right, when exercised by merchants more intent upon their particular gain than the laws of neutrality, will be sometimes extended so as to interfere with the main end of the war, every nation has found it necessary to limit this general right by a certain precise code, and to ensure the observance of the code; that is to say, in order to prevent the supply of the enemy, with contraband of war, the principal maritime nations have established the right of search - This right is in fact the main hinge of the English maritime system, and as long as our ministry have retained this there can be little cause of censure in their pacific concessions.

The present war has indeed been distinguished by one peculiar circumstance. In no former war has the maritime force of England been so predominant as entirely to banish the commerce of her enemy from the face of the ocean. This however, has happened in the present war. What has been the result? Why the French have been compelled to carry on their traffic through the medium of neutrals. Thus has it happened. that the whole commerce of France, the supply of her colonies, and the carriage of their produce to the mother country, is in the hands of the Americans. The surface of the sea is covered with the American flag. acting as the factors of French commerce. What is the result of this state of circumstances? It is summed up in a few words—The maritime strength of England is rendered useless. She may annihilate the navies of France, but the French commerce has always a ready means for escaping from her power.- The neutral flag is at hand, and hostile property is secured under this sacred cover. Let us vindicate, then, our rights, exclaim these politicians. The neutral nations must submit if we enter upon the contest. Should they even unite in a general league against us, we should suffer less by their open enmity, than by their fraudulent neutrality. Better that America should be our enemy and fill the Atlantic with their privateers, than under the cover of amity and neutrality, secure the commerce of France, and baffle the British navy.

Nothing can be so absurd as to enter into the question of abstract right, when all the world are ready to dispute it with us, We may compel, but we cannot persuade the neutral nations to adopt our particular comments. It is of more real, because it is of more practical importance, to examine the prudence of exerting this right, supposing it to be well founded, and to be deduced by immediate inference from the writers of public law.

Suppose, therefore, it can be made to appear, that, granting the question of right to be on the side of Great Britain, no advantage whatever would ensue from adverting it—i. e. from her prohibition of the neutral medium for the French commerce. Suppose that it can be further proved, that, as to the ultimate consequences, there is no effectual difference between the former and the present mode of the French colonial trade. If these assertions can be clearly made out, we hope to hear no more of neutral frauds, and the pernicious clamor of war in disguise.

It is evidently beyond the power of the whole British navy to prevent the supply, and the sufficient supply, of the French colonies. Directly, or by a circuitous importation, these colonies will always be supplied to the full amount of their wants. Unless we can surround every creek and harbor in France, and, following the example of our extravagant enemy, declare a Continent in blockade, and a kingdom in a state of siege—unless we prohibit the neutral nations from trading with France in their own merchandize, or the merchandise of our colonies, the French people must be supplied, equally in peace and war, with sugar and coffee.

Suppose that we could prevent those articles from being carried directly to France from her colonies, the price will then rise, and it will become a lucrative branch of commerce for neutrals to import them in their own countries.
Whilst this commerce, upon the principles a phenomenon of rare occurrence.

But suppose we should absorb nearly principles phenomenon of rare occurrence

Utility of this prohibition? Its effects and under all circumstances of vast im-

tral during peace. What will be the exclusive distinction. At all times,

that this trade was not open to the neu- Without arrogance we may say it is our

the French will be compelled to carry the origin of institutions, new to the

must be one of the two following--either portance, it is almost infinitely so in

produce must remain in the colonies. length of experience, and in a country

the produce in their own ships, or the world, and consequently untried by any

own vessels with their colonial produce, tic physical force, which is so frequent-

haps venture at first to freight their not yet able to command that gigan-

As to the first effect, the French per- which, from the fewness of its numbers,

but this trade must soon cease: the risk ly the substitute for moral principle.

of capture must be so great, that neither The powers, now exercised by the se-

merchant or planter could afford it: the veral departments of the government,

alternative therefore would take place. are little, if at all inferior in dignity,

The produce of the French colonies must por the effects to be produced by them,

very terms on which this alternative is charged by the patriots who established

remain to rot on the plantations. The to the more splendid functions dis-

necessarily expressed are such as to jur independence, and guaranteed its

call down upon it the most unqualified perpetrity by the admirable system of

Here individuals would be effectually will, in a high degree, establish the

as little as possible against individuals. regulated exercise of power, which

much as possible against the nation, & of the present day we shall owe that

of modern warfare to direct itself as pose in absolute safety. To the rulers

abhorrence. It is the benign principle government under which we now re-

ruined, the mother country, as a nation, practical construction of the constitution

very inconsiderably injured, and the on points of the first magnitude, and

main end of the war not advanced one the formation of those modes of think

jot. This kind of war, very happily, is ing on particular subjects which will

totally contrary to the practice of mo- probably continue for ages to influence

der n times, and we hope never to see jour conduct as a nation. How deeply

the day when war shall lose its generalito resting then, is it, that, in the o

dern times, and we hope never to see jour conduct as a nation. How deeply

thy of Christian notions. Thus st ndis tuous! It is almost equally essential

individual mischief. This is not wor- tors of our government should be vir-

aim, and pass into private malignity & pening of our career, the administra.

can treaty. The commissioners have sures which are best fitted to advance

are said to be conceded in the Ameri- cient intelligence to pursue those mea-

the question of neutral rights, which y that they should be endowed with suff

conducted themselves with that pacific the general welfare, and which will be

ther to the substance than the words- out ascribing infallibility to any man,

administration; they have looked ra- or to meet it when inevitable. With-

spirit which distinguishes the present most effectual to guard against danger,

abstract rights. They have conceded veru inent pos-sesses this necessary qu -

rather to practical consequences than we dare to say that the American go-

only so far as the most evident utility

ification. We dare to say, that next

The right of search, of contraband and sense of the people, we are indebted t

has justified them in such concessions. he government for the unrivalled bles.

to the incorruptible integrity and goor sings we enjoy. In proof of this w

of blockade, have doubtless all been pre- appeal to the common sense of every

served in their full integrity. These, as American,

long as these are preserved undiminish-

That we enjoy unrivalled blessing

ed and undisputed, all other concession none but a madman will dispute.

are of very minor importance.-

We are the only free nation or

These points are indeed vital:

earth.

There is no other republic, or any

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