Richmond Enquirer

SOUTH AMERICAN AFFAIRS,

A Continental Paper, contains an argument, addressed to all the European Powers, and more especially to England, on the expediency of a united and speedy interference in order to repress the insurgents of Spanish America. Unquestionably there is much plausible reasoning in this article; although we do not think that, as the case stands at present, this country would be justified in adopting any measures of an active description. Hitherto we have maintained a strict neutrality. Circumstances may or may not render the continuance of that neutrality advisable: but such circumstances do not appear to have yet occurred. Between that tyranny which justifies the interference of foreigners in behalf of an oppressed people, and that rebellion which calls for a similar interference in support of a just and lawful Sovereign, there are wide limits of prudent forbearance: within which the present conduct of the British Government is bounded. A forcible interposition on the part of one country to suppress revolt in another, can scarcely be warranted, unless the revolters commit some act of direct or indirect hostility which may unequivocally demand it. What was the principle of our policy at the period of the Revolution in France? While the French confined themselves to an internal struggle, this country abstained from all positive interference; and it was not until they declared their readiness to assist the people of other countries in their efforts to throw off what they were pleased to term the yoke of their governments, that Great Britain felt the necessity of combating a principle which threatened universal anarchy and ruin. So in America, unless the insurgents manifest a disposition to spread beyond the Spanish possessions, the revolutionary flame which is now devastating so large a portion of that fine Continent, and thus to endanger the security of our own Colonies, we apprehend that we must content ourselves with lamenting the horrors which are the result of their rebellion, and deprecating their prolongation. If the "mediation" of Great Britain, as stated in the Quotidienne, can effect an object so desirable to humanity as a reconciliation between the Spanish colonies and the mother country, we are persuaded that any friendly effort of that description will not be wanting—we are persuaded that it has not been wanting, on the part of the British government. It might not be inexpedient on the part of the Spanish government to consider the wisdom of endeavouring to terminate the scenes which are now taking place on the transatlantic continent, by offering to the South Americans an independent government, at the head of which should be placed a Prince from another branch of the House of Spain. England, or the allied powers generally, might guarantee the fulfilment of the terms thus granted.

[London Courier.]

[From a late London Paper.]

A private letter from Cadiz of the 1st of August, mentions the preparation of a very formidable expedition for an attack on Buenos Ayres. This expedition, it is added, will act in concert with other Powers, which have engaged to support Spain in the South American contest. Who these Powers are, is not mentioned, but the assertion is entitled to some notice, at a time when civilities and compliments of a very suspicious character are passing between two ambitious sovereigns, and when legitimacy has become the professed idol of all the existing authorities in Europe. The republic of Buenos Ayres is fortunately possessed of a considerable naval force, more powerful than any which Spain alone could bring against her—and notwithstanding the defection of Artigas, her military strength is represented as very respectable. We may therefore hope, that she will be so well prepared to encounter the invasion of her foreign oppressors, that no apprehensions need be entertained for her ultimate success.

It is current throughout the better informed circles, that our government, although it cannot regularly permit, has not directly prohibited, British officers, on half pay, from repairing to join the Patriotic standard in South America. The only step within the competence of government to take, towards discountenancing any such enterprizes on the part of English subjects not immediately employed in the public service of their country, would be to withdraw from them the protection of their Sovereign, while they are engaged in operations which he cannot openly recognize. To this extent, the plan of embarking in the cause of the Spanish Patriots has, we presume, been discountenanced by Administration, but we also understand that it has had no effect whatever in deterring British officers from the scene of war. A South American General in London, who acts as agent for the Patriots, and who has ample means at his disposal, supplies our countrymen with sums of money, and with a comfortable conveyance outwards. The demand for arms at Birmingham and elsewhere, is remarkably brisk: and is ascribed exclusively to orders from the Western hemisphere. Lord Cochrane, we are told, is still in England, but on the point of sailing for South America, where a ship of 500 tons, now in the river, and cleared out under the character of an ordinary West Indianman, will be placed at his Lordship's command.

London, Sept. 1.—A private letter from Cadiz is inserted in the Quotidienne and the Gazette de France, which affirms, as a guide to commercial speculations, that a formidable expedition, commanded and concerted with other powers, which are engaged to support the Spanish monarchy in the contest, is forthwith to sail from Europe against Buenos Ayres. We should hardly think such a paragraph worth notice, had it offered itself only in a Spanish print; but its quotation in two of the Paris Journals, where it could not have appeared by any possibility without the express permission of the police of France, gives the statement an air of importance, if not of authenticity, which it might be mere childishness to overlook. If not a proof that other courts have actually bound themselves to furnish naval or military assistance to the Spaniards, such an affirmation, so promptly propagated, is at all events a sign of what the French government wishes to hold forth to the European world: and in this instance certainly the minister-press of London will not accuse any English writer of having invented the story for political purposes of his own.

[Star.]

FROM BELL'S WEEKLY MESSENGER.

Negotiations of Spain and England.

In the last arrival of the Foreign papers, the Madrid Journal, (the Spanish official Gazette) contained the following important article, and which, being there inserted, must be regarded as proceeding from authority, and of course accompanied with some truth:

"The time is at hand," says the writer, "in which the Courts of London, Vienna and Petersburgh are about to act upon their true interests, and to acknowledge that there is no safety for royal establishments in Europe, if another independent government should be suffered to exist in South America. Such a government would always be a standing temptation and an obvious object of desire to all other people, who would begin to think that kings were less necessary, when they beheld on hand such an example of a people governing themselves"

In the first place, from the language and evident meaning of the above article, we could almost imagine it to be written in the spirit of mischief, and that more was intended by the writer than those who inserted it seem to understand. It certainly contains no very high eulogy of monarchical governments, and under the covert of seeming to dread these "standing examples of republican institutions," it points out their strongest recommendation, and manifest popular character. The truth, we believe to be, is, that the recent principles of the Spanish patriots are nearer to the side of the beloved Ferdinand than this Solomon knows or believes, and that the time approaches when he may again retire to weave petticoats for his Ferdinand or his aunt. Alas! (we ourselves must allowed to say) that such a people as the Spaniards should have achieved their own liberty, to return under such a Bourbon as this, and that Lacy should have fought with Wellington to put Ferdinand in a condition of hanging him.

But the more material consideration of this passage, is, first, how far such an example is actually a cause of apprehension; and, secondly, upon what grounds the Madrid editor affirms the success of the Spanish negociation with our government for aid against the revolted colonies?

Upon the first head, we shall briefly repeat a very striking passage of Mr. Burke, at the time when it was proposed to create a House of Peers, and an hereditary nobility for Canada. "where these monarchies and all their feudal appendages (I was about to say rubbish) have been established in distant ages, and have so grown into the manners, and habits, and feelings, and prejudices of the people, that to attempt to eradicate them, would be to overwhelm and destroy every thing—to subvert nature, and to reform the man, I will say, let them be retained; let them be defended; let us keep fast hold of their good, and correct their evil; let us not seek a better system through such a long, dark and dangerous wilderness as that of a thorough revolution. But where the question is to begin again to form a government anew, I will as clearly say, let us not take these materials of a barbarous age: let us leave those vanities to the old governments of Europe: let us not unnecessarily bestow our force upon others, what it is our misfortune as well as our duty to endure."

As to the second point, we have indeed known that a negociation has been long pending between Spain and England, to induce the latter power to afford an active assistance against the Spanish Independents. The question for the English ministry in this negotiation is twofold—the right of such interference, and the policy of it. With respect to the right, we have no hesitation in saying, that it will not admit a doubt. It is an acknowledged principle in the European law of nations, that any one nation may assist another to subdue revolted colonies or provinces. The existing treaty with Spain justifies such interposition. With respect to the question of right, therefore, there is no doubt. The English ministry may, in this respect, act as they please. The point therefore, is reduced to the mere question of policy.

Upon this head we have been so copious in some of our former papers, that we have here little to add. South America is a new country, and in its first agricultural stage, and, therefore, naturally the most promising and beneficial customer to an old country. They possess in abundance, or may possess under due encouragement, all that we want, raw materials, cotton, sugar, &c; and they want, and as they increase in population, will increase in the want, of all that we possess—manufactures.— Such a dealer is the sure material of wealth and aggrandizement to an old commercial country; and hence the value of the United States to us. But under the Spanish monopoly, the produce, consumption, and trade of such a country, are necessarily repressed within the lowest possible limits. Every thing comes to them so dear, that they can consume but little; and the mother country, (having the monopoly of purchase) buys so little, and buys it so cheaply, as to detain agriculture always in its infancy from the want of encouragement. Hence, under such a monopoly, such colonies are little more than mere kitchen gardens to their own mother countries, of little use to them, and of none to the general commerce of the world. Under such circumstances, it is the most manifest policy of England not to maintain and encourage the union of Spain and her colonies, and most assuredly not to lend any active assistance to this end. It is a duty of our direct alliance with Spain not to assist the Independents. It is a duty of prudence, resulting from our own commercial policy, not to assist the mother country. Let them fight it out, and let us hope for that happy result which, without destroying the principles of religion and morality, will extend the compass of the English commerce.

Upon these principles we cannot persuade ourselves to give any weight to the article above quoted from the Madrid Journal. It is perhaps one of those articles which the editors have been taught to form by their late French masters. It is a known artifice amongst the Parisian editors, to take their wishes for granted, and to insinuate the reasonableness of their expectations in the impossibility of their being disappointed. According to our own humble opinion, the present ministry are too well acquainted with commercial principles (and particularly Lord Liverpool) to have two wishes or opinions upon the subject. Our clear interest is for the success of the cause of the independents.