Daily National Intelligencer

FROM BRITISH PAPERS.

THE REGENT'S MESSAGE

66 G. P. R.

"His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, thinks it right to inform his faithful Commons, that in consequence of events which have recently taken place in France, in direct contravention of the treaty entered into at Paris last year for preserving the peace of Europe, he has judged it necessary to enter into engagements with his allies, to adopt such steps as circumstances may require against the common enemy, and for preventing the revival of measures which could only have for their object to destroy the peace and liberties of Europe ; and his Royal Highness confidently relies upon the House of Commons to support him in such steps as he may find it necessary to take, in conjunction with his allies, at this momentous crisis.

"His Royal Highness has given orders that copies of the treaties into which he has entered, should immediately be laid before the House, for its information."

Lord Liverpool, in the course of his remarks in Parliament on the Prince Regent's Message, considered war as unavoidable.

Lord Grey observed, that the language of the ministers was equivalent to war, but that their proceedings were inconsistent with it.

Lord Grenville supported the necessity of opposing Bonaparte. The majority for the address to the Prince Regent was 156 to 44.

Earl Grey wished to know precisely in what situation the country stood? Were we actually at war, or were we not? In what light was the message and the consequent address to be regarded?

The Earl of Liverpool replied that if the noble earl wished to know whether letters of marque had been issued--whether ships had been captured--whether any blow had actually been struck, he had to answer that in that sense hostilities had not commenced; but he should deceive the noble earl, and deceive the house, if he were not distinctly to avow that this message was brought down with a view to the commencement of hostilities against the system mentioned in the message, as soon as it should be expedient to do so. The expediency of beginning warfare might depend on circumstances, but as to the nature and object of the message, it was a message of war ; and in concurring in the address which he should have to propose the next day, their Lordships would be understood to concur in the propriety of commencing hostilities in concert with our allies, as soon as it might be expedient to do so.

Earl Grey asked whether the treaty had been ratified by Austria.

The Earl of Liverpool replied that it was not yet ratified by that power--that the ratification was not yet come, but was every day expected. In one of the papers now laid upon the table, there was enough to shew them that there could be no doubt as to the intention of Austria to ratify the treaty.

The Marquis of Buckingham moved an address to the Prince Regent for copies of the stipulations and arrangements made at the Congress at Vienna, and mentioned in the treaty of the 25th of March, as stipulations and arrangements which it was the object of the allies, in the approaching contest with the present ruler of France, to support. Unless his motion was agreed to, their Lordships were called upon, by a side wind as it were, to approve of stipulations and arrangements of which they did not, and could not regularly know any thing.

The Earl of Liverpool replied, that the arrangements and stipulations had not, as yet, been reduced into the form of a treaty; some of the arrangements had not been finished, and none of them had been the subject of ratification. The House could not, and would not, be called upon to give any judgment respecting them. The address would steer clear of that question altogether.

Earl Grey said, he was very little satisfied with this explanation. If the stipulations and arrangements were not in a fit state to be produced--if they were not regularly ratified, why were they inserted in the present treaty. Might not these arrangements and stipulations materially affect the expediency of entering at all into this new war ? He had seen a Manifesto of Louis XVIII. to the French Nation, in which it was distinctly stated, that the Ambassadors of the Allies had presented to him the new credentials of their respective sovereigns ; to reside wherever the sole legitimate sovereign of France was : and their powers being authenticated, they offered the new treaty of the allies to the deliberation and signature of the King. "Frenchmen," adds the manifesto, "the King has deliberated, and has signed it." These words intimated a determination to go to war for the purpose of replacing Louis XVIII. on the throne of France, and if so, it was in direct contradiction to the declaration added on our part to the treaty, and approved of by the allies.

The motion of the Marquis of Buckingham was withdrawn.

The same message from the Prince Regent was brought down to the House of Commons by Lord Castlereagh, and to a question from Mr. Whitbread respecting the nature of the address which the noble lord intended to propose in answer to the message ; was it to support a declaration of war, or was it, that a considerable force should be left in the hands of the executive government? Lord Castlereagh replied, that he considered the treaty of the 25th of March constituted the state of hostilities between this country and Bonaparte. Mr. Whitbread said, he understood the case to be, that the allies had engaged to unite the resources of their respective states for maintaining entire certain stipulations.--Those stipulations, therefore, were not subject to revision or alteration, but must have been decided upon on the 25th March. The House ought to be told what those stipulations were.

Mr. Tierney also contended, that the amount of the subsidies as well as the nature of the stipulations referred to in the treaty ought to be laid before the house.

It having been determined that the message of the Regent should be taken into consideration on the next day, Lord Castlereagh brought up certain important papers. They were treaties with the emperor of Russia and the king of Prussia--an additional convention to the said treaties ;