The Chattanooga Daily Rebel

The Gorilla Proclamation.

COMMENTS OF THE ENGLISH PRESS.

From the London Post--(Government Organ,) October 6

It is scarcely possible to treat seriously of this singular manifesto. If not genuine, the composition would be entitled to but little praise as a piece of matchless irony. The accuracy with which the details are particularized is faultless. Rebellion, like treason, is very difficult of definition, and the President consequently assuages the fears of such States as may be apprehensive of being erroneously supposed to be rebellious, though, in fact, loyal, by laying down an easy and intelligible test. "Any State or the people thereof, which shall on January 1st, in good faith represented in the United States Congress by members chosen at elections wherein the majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong contravening testimony, be deemed" "not to have been in rebellion against the United States." Applying this test, the General Government will on the 1st of January, for the better information of the world, formally "designate" such States as shall then be in open rebellion, and in those States by virtue of this proclamation, slavery will forthwith cease to exist. Every slave will thus become a free man. Deprived of slave labor, the Southern planter will find their energies paralyzed, if they are not themselves annihilated by the emancipated serfs. The war will cease, and the Union be once more restored in its pristine integrity, but cleansed of that foul stain which heretofore made it the reproach of Christendom. At length the American question has been finally and satisfactorily solved.

It is not easy to estimate how utterly powerless and contemptible a Government must have become which could sanction with its approval such insensate trash. A few weeks since trembling for the safety of its capital--at the present moment unable to force a passage into its enemy's territory--still takes upon itself to dispose of property which it is powerless to seize. Nor is the assumed authority of the Federal Executive less unconstitutional than it is preposterous. The President of the United States has no more power to liberate a slave in Virginia than Queen Victoria; and for that matter, neither has the Federal Congress. According to the American Constitution, the local Legislature of each State possesses the sole power of emancipating the slave within its confines. But the President of the United States has long since discontinued the anticipated custom of acting according to law. There are few, however, even of those who have manifested the greatest disregard for the laws they have sworn to administer, who have not been more or less sensitive of ridicule. A man may have the passions of an angry fool; but he does not like exposing himself to be laughed at. Mr. Lincoln seems to care as little for the ridicule as he does for the anger of the American people. He must be aware that his proclamation will prove a brutum fulmen. General Hunter, not many months since, in a moment of Abolitionist zeal, emancipated all the slaves in South Carolina; but, to the surprise of everybody, the slaves paid no attention to his proclamation, and worked away harder than ever in throwing up those fortifications which insured the subsequent repulse of the Federal forces. Does Mr. Lincoln suppose that they will pay readier obedience to his manifesto? Liberty, we should have supposed, would recommend itself at all events to a slave by its intrinsic excellence and that the mode of manumission would be regarded with indifference. If the slaves in Southern States desire freedom, it is evident that they are alone prevented from securing it by the superior strength of their masters. Mr. Lincoln must show how his proclamation will weaken that strength before he satisfies the world that it can prove other than inoperative.

While providing prospectively for the future the present is not neglected. The Chief Magistrate of great modern Republic has proclaimed martial law throughout his dominions and suspended the Habeas Corpus Act. A population exceeding twenty millions, inhabiting a territory unoccupied by a single hostile soldier, have, by Mr. Lincoln been placed on the same footing as those base generals may please to denominate. No even in the most military tribunal can a breathing be night demanded. The President may confine in prison or an indefinite term any person he chooses. His affidavit is sufficient to allege that the accused has been guilty of rebellion, or as opposed the enforced levy of soldiers, to deprive him of his right to demand a trial or the alleged offense. Such is the existing state of things in New York in Boston, in Philadelphia--cities remote from theatre of war. Such is the liberty enjoyed by the free citizens of America. The measure was, we suppose, deemed necessary by the President in consequence of the invitation lately given by the Governors of Pennsylvania and Ohio to those of the other States to meet and deliberate on public affairs. Such meeting would undoubtedly be construed into an act of rebellion, and we suppose that the President intends to arrest the refractory Governors. The several states, however, value their individual independence even more than they do the integrity of the Union, and it is extremely likely that they would lamely permit their Governors to be sent to prison in compliance with the Federal authority. The proclamation of martial law throughout the Federal States has been prompted, not by Confederate aggression, but by domestic insecurity. War has been declared between the Federal government and its acknowledged subjects. The proclamation emancipating the slaves is evidently a bait thrown out to gain the support of the abolitionist party. It will prove useless. The American people have of late submitted to much, but we do not believe that they will patiently accept of a degrading despotism dictated by the feeble hand most contemptible of Governments.