Constitutional Whig

FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 16, 1827.

"The Administration must be put out, though pure as the angels at the right hand of God!"

This was the profane declaration of Col. Johnson (who did not kill Tecumseh,) and this is the text which has inspired the language, and shaped the conduct of the "Combination." Justice to the persons of the members of the administration—regard to the interests of the Union, in a proper consideration of the measures recommended—respect to the Constitution, whose operation had placed Mr. Adams at the head of the Government—patriotism, whose language is, "our country first" —were not thought worthy of being consulted, by those leading characters, whose schemes of self aggrandizement, disappointed by the election of Mr. Adams, could only be consummated by the elevation of Gen. Jackson. Never was text more indefensible—and never was one more rigidly and liberally adhered to. Its spirit has pervaded the entire conduct of the "combination"—misrepresenting every thing—perverting every thing—denouncing every thing. From the first official act of the present administration, down to the last—not one has escaped its malignant and ungenerous influence. A steady and systematic hostility, never for a moment relaxed, directed equally against the most trivial, as the most important acts of the administration, against their personal characters and feelings, no less than their public measures, has followed up the determination of the opposition to put them out at all events. The extraordinary sentiment quoted above, has been succeeded by a course of conduct on the part of the combination, no less extraordinary. It would be easy to prove, that except the Panama Mission, (a measure growing out of the rise of new and independence States, in the Western Hemisphere, and for that reason only, unprecedented) the measures of the present administration, have been as nearly conformed to the practice of the Government under all administrations, as the altered and constantly altering condition of the country rendered possible. Each of the Departments was filled by known Republicans; active and efficient officers—and at no time have they been better organized, or more order and regularity of detail been manifested. Diplomatic stations have been ably filled, and except in the case of Mr. King appointed in reference to the peculiar interests of New York in the questions pending with England, the prejudices of the Republican party have been consulted—nor have the results of our diplomacy been such as to injure the country, or discredit its diplomatic ability. The Treasury has not declined—for the fluctuations in its quarterly receipts, have attended it in all times, and must continue to attend it, as long as its supplies are derived from sources fluctuating in themselves, and dependent upon commercial contingencies. Since the present administration came into power, delicate negotiations have been conducted, and the most favorable commercial treaties formed with nearly the whole maritime world. With England alone, is any serious difficulty pending, and in regard to that, no other fault is found, than that the administration have preferred to arrange it in the more sacred and durable form of treaty, than by mutual legislation. Never have the United States in the aggregate, been more prosperous or flourishing at home, or more respected and deferred to abroad. Where then are the grounds for the indiscriminate condemnation of the measures of the present administration, or the warranty for the vile abuse of their persons? Where are the facts, which can justify the patriot in using the expression placed as the text of this article? Why does Col. Johnson say they must be turned out, though pure as the angels at the right hand of God? Is the country likely to prosper better under Gen. Jackson, or does he promise himself from the sympathetic anti Indian feeling of the Military Chieftain, a more plentiful supply of Government contracts, than he and his brothers, have enjoyed since the Secretaryship of Mr. Calhoun?

The determination to put out an Administration, though of angelic purity—the declaration that neither its purity of motive, nor propriety of action, can avert the settled purpose of its antagonists to hunt it down, is sufficient of itself to satisfy reflecting people, that in all probability, the greater number of the charges brought against it, are unfounded in truth, and ought to be referred to predetermined opposition. What charge made by the opposition has ever been sustained? In what case have they not shrunk from the proof? But no sooner is one charge refuted, than another is preferred—no sooner is the opposition driven from one ground, than they take another. So fertile and inexhaustible is fault finding, that dunces can set themselves to work, and prove motives to be bad, which they are incapable of comprehending, and policy to be weak and inexpedient, without understanding, or being capable of understanding, the means or the end. The wisdom of Solomon was disputed by some in Israel, and the beauty of Venus was not admitted by all on Mount Olympus. What man is there so perfect, but would appear a monster of depravity, were all his faults to be carefully exaggerated by hatred, all his motives assigned by malignity, and all his virtuous actions excluded from the picture? The virtue of Cato could not abide the test, and we should have the representation of a fiend and not of a patriot, were Cato himself to sit for the picture. Yet this is the sort of justice that has been dealt out to the Administration—at least to Messrs. Adams and Clay. Nothing done by them has escaped the lash of the opposition—a bad motive has been ascribed to every good and indifferent action. Since the time they were inducted to office, we have not heard a charitable or liberal feeling expressed towards them by a single Jackson man, Mr. Randolph, (strange to tell) alone excepted. We did hear him exculpate Mr. Adams on the floor of the Senate, from all participation, in the Missouri Plot! Things which passed unobserved and unquestioned, under all former Administrations, have been studiously collected, and elaborately presented as decisive evidences of the corruption of this. The patronage of the President, assigned him by the Constitution and the acts of Congress, seems to be viewed, not simply from the mode in which he uses it, but from itself, as proof of his corruption. All reflecting persons must know, that from the nature of things, this very patronage, far from augmenting the power of the President, detracts from his popularity. He can give one office but to one man—but who can say how many expectants are disappointed, at the disposal of every appointment? Lewis the XIV, said, profoundly and truly, that when he gave away an office, he made one ungrateful, and ninety-nine enemies. Such is the common disproportion between applicants for office, and those who obtain office—and in the same proportion, and as much as disappointment and resentment are more active and lasting principles than gratitude, is the patronage of his office a disadvantage to a President of the United States. Is Mr. Poinsett's support, or Col. Benton's hostility to the Administration the warmest and most decided? Philosophy would determine the question if facts were wanting:

The patronage of his office is a disadvantage to the President. The same patronage was exercised by former Presidents. Why did we not then hear of its formidable extent, and danger to the liberties of the country? Why did not some Col. Benton in Jefferson's or Madison's administration descant on its excess, and propose limitations in the Senate of the U. States? Because there was not then a "combination" of members of Congress—determined to put out the Administration though pure as the angels at the right hand of God! There were not then so many disappointed candidates for the Presidency! There were not then so many aspiring to be Secretaries of Departments, and Ministers to Foreign States! It was not then the purpose of any man or set of men, to misrepresent every action of the administration, to blacken the private characters of its members, and render them odious to the people, for their own aggrandizement! Members of Congress did not then attempt, to form combinations among themselves to elect the chief magistrate—and to hold midnight assemblies for the purpose of acting in concert, not for the public good, but for their own advancement to office, and for defeating measures required by the country. This extraordinary measure was reserved for the Van Burens, Bentons and Dickersons of our time—men who are determined to put out the Administration though pure as the angels at the right hand of God—that they may enjoy their places.

Signs of the times.—The National Intelligencer in two subsequent numbers (the 2d of which we republish to-day) continues its reflections upon the state of parties at Washington, and the intrigues on foot, to elect Gen. Jackson by a combination among the members of Congress. Dr. Lloyd's indiscreet letter, read still more indiscreetly, to the House of Delegates by Gen. Smyth, assured his correspondent, that "the combinations for electing Gen. Jackson were nearly complete." This language obviously pointed to secret movements unknown to the people, and studiously concealed from them, projected and executed by members of Congress. The people, whatever their wishes on the subject, had entered into no "combination." They had no conception that their members of Congress, instead of attending to legislative duties, were engaged at midnight hours, in forming combinations to thwart the measures of government for the purpose of bringing the Administration into discredit with the public. The people did not dream, that their Representatives, sent to Congress to promote the best interests of the nation, assembled in nocturnal caucuses, for the purpose of considering, not whether the passage of this measure, or the rejection of that would best serve the country, but whether its passage or rejection, would best contribute to turn out the Administration. Dr. Lloyd inflated by vanity, first discovered the secret, that combinations unknown to the people, were forming among the members of Congress—that he (God save the mark) was a leader—and that these combinations were nearly complete. Further revelations of the character and object of these combinations, are taking place. The mysterious language of the National Advocate, (a tool of Mr. Van Buren's) evidently dictated by that modern Falstaff himself, the developments of the National Intelligencer, prove the existence of these "combinations," and the means which they are secretly working to put down the present administration, though "pure as the angels at the right hand of God!" The following note of the Editors of the Intelligencer, in their paper of the 12th, alludes to an extraordinary fact, of the existence of which, we have had an independent intimation.

"It is due to the frankness of these strictures, that we should keep nothing back from our readers. We are far from being disposed to draw, from facts which are known, any inferences which they do not warrant. Still less shall we state as fact any thing which we do not personally know. We wish, therefore, to be distinctly understood as giving no authority of ours to what rumor says, when we state it as a common report, that a regular weekly Caucus was held, during the last session, and particularly during the latter part of it, composed of Members of the Opposition, at which some one of the number presided and another acted as Secretary; that, when thus formally organized, public questions were there discussed, with reference to their political expediency, and their bearing on the Presidential election: and that regular votes were taken, the whole body considering itself bound by the decisions of the major part of it. We shall not pretend to name the place of meeting, much less the number or names of those who attended. It is said, however, that all these particulars are susceptible of proof. Nevertheless, if Mr. Benton, Mr. Dickerson, Mr. Rowan, or any other of the respectable gentlemen who belong to the party, will give his word of honor that no such meetings were held at any time during the session, or for any purpose, we shall with heartfelt pleasure contradict the whole story, and vindicate the Opposition from so gross a calumny as, if false, this would be"

These then are the "combinations" alluded to by Dr. Lloyd! Opposition members of Congress, assembled in midnight caucus—public questions depending before Congress, were discussed, and it was determined to support or oppose them in Congress, as their passage or rejection might in the opinion of this "combination," most injure the administration! Fidelity to the constituent—loyalty to the country—the oath of office—were postponed in favor of that course which would most effectually injure and put down the administration! Is it possible that the people of the U. States have any idea of this state of things—is it possible, that being apprised that such a state of things exists, they will not interpose to prevent the consequences of such daring and flagitious intrigues?

We are desired to state, that there are in circulation, Five Dollar Notes of the Farmers' Bank, changed into Fives, and ingeniously executed