The Daily Union

A FULL REPORT OF THE THIRD DAY'S PROCEEDINGS OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.-THE ENTIRE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.

We are indebted to the Cincinnati Enquirer for the following complete report of the third day's proceedings of the Democratic National Convention:

Third Day's Proceedings.—Morning Session—June 4, 1856,

At ten o'clock the convention was called to order by the president, General Ward.

The attendance was as large as yesterday.

After waiting some time, Mr. Stuart, of Maryland, called the attention of the convention to the necessity of transacting business in its regular order, and as speedily as possible. He supposed the report of the committee on resolutions was first in order; and if so, he would now call for it.

Mr. Hallett (who had ascended the platform) would state that the committee is prepared to make its report as soon as the convention is ready to receive it.

[Voices, Now! now!]

The President. The convention must come to entire order before the Chairman will proceed to read the resolutions.

The convention having come to order, Mr. Hallett said:

I have been instructed, as the chairman of the committee on resolutions, to report to this convention the platform of resolutions which they have adopted. I am also instructed by the committee to say that the portion of the resolutions which relates to Kansas and Nebraska, and those propositions concerning the administration of the general government, have been adopted by the committee with entire unanimity, every member from every State having signified his perfect acquiescence in these resolutions. There is another and very important class of resolutions relating to the foreign policy of the country. While these resolutions have been recommended by the committee as a portion of the platform, it is proper to state that they were not adopted with entire unanimity. I am also instructed to report a resolution, as recommended by the committee to be a portion of the platform, concerning communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.

With these explanations, I shall proceed to read the resolutions:

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS.

The committee on resolutions, by their chairman, Mr. Hallett, of Massachusetts, submit the following report:

Resolved, That the American democracy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people.

Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our political creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world, as the great moral element in a form of government springing from and upheld by the popular will; and we contrast it with the creed and practice of Federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity.

Resolved, therefore, That, entertaining these views, the democratic party of this Union, through their delegates assembled in a general convention, coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative government, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, renew and reassert before the American people the declarations of principles avowed by them when on former occasions, in general convention, they have presented their candidates for popular suffrage.

1. That the Federal Government is one of limited power, derived solely from the constitution; and the grants of power made therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government; and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.

2. That the constitution does not confer upon the general government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements.

3. That the constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several States, contracted for local and internal improvements, or other State purposes, nor would such assumption be just or expedient.

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of any other, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country; that every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to complete and ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence or foreign aggression.

5. That it is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and for the gradual but certain extinction of the public debt.

6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the constitution; and that we are opposed to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the constitution.

7. That Congress has no power to charter a national bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money-power, and above the laws and the will of the people; and that the results of democratic legislation in this and all other financial measures upon which issues have been made between the two political parties of the country have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all parties their soundness, safety, and utility in all business pursuits.

8. That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the people.

9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the qualified veto power, by which he is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the public interests, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and which has saved the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United States, and from a corrupting system of general internal improvements.

10. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the constitution, which make ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the democratic faith; and every attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute-books. And whereas, since the foregoing declaration was uniformly adopted by our predecessors in National Conventions, an adverse political and religious test has been secretly organized by a party claiming to be exclusively American, it is proper that the American democracy should clearly define its relations thereto, and declare its determined opposition to all secret political societies, by whatever name they may be called-

Resolved, That the foundation of this Union of States having been laid in, and its prosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent example in free government built upon, entire freedom in matters of religious concernment, and no respect of persons in regard to rank or place of birth, no party can justly be deemed national, constitutional, or in accordance with American principles, which bases its exclusive organization upon religious opinions and accidental birthplace; and hence, a political crusade in the nineteenth century, and in the United States of America, against Catholics and foreign born, is neither justified by the past history or the future prospects of the country, nor in unison with the spirit of toleration and enlarged freedom which peculiarly distinguishes the American system of popular government.

Resolved, That we reiterate, with renewed energy of purpose, the well-considered declarations of former conventions upon the sectional issue of domestic slavery, and concerning the reserved rights of the States—

1. That Congress has no power, under the constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the constitution; that all efforts, of the abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions.

2. That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress; and, therefore, the democratic party of the Union, standing this national platform will abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia legislature in 1799; that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import.

And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a sectional party, subsisting exclusively on slavery agitation, now relies to test the fidelity of the people, North and South, to the constitution and the Union—

Resolved, That, claiming fellowship with, and desiring the co-operation of, all who regard the preservation of the Union, under the constitution, as the paramount issue, and repudiating all sectional parties and platforms concerning domestic slavery, which seek to embroil the States and incite to treason and armed resistance to law in the Territories, and whose avowed purposes, if consummated, must end in civil war and disunion, the American democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the "slavery question" upon which the great national idea of the people of this whole country can repose in its determined conservatism of the Union—Non-Interference by Congress with Slavery in State and Territory, or in the District of Columbia.

[The reading of this resolution was interrupted for some time by tremendous and prolonged applause.]

2. That this was the basis of the compromises of 1850, confirmed by both the democratic and whig parties in national conventions, ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the organization of Territories in 1854

3. That by the uniform application of this democratic principle to the organization of Territories, and to the admission of new States, with or without domestic slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights of all the States will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the constitution maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity and expansion of this Union insured to its utmost capacity of embracing, in peace and harmony, every future American State that may be constituted or annexed, with a republican form of government.

Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly-expressed will of a majority of actual residents; and, whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a constitution, with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States.

Resolved, finally, That, in view of the condition of popular institutions in the Old World, and the dangerous tendencies of sectional agitation, combined with the attempt to enforce civil and religious disabilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying citizenship in our own land, a high and sacred duty is devolved, with increased responsibility upon the democratic party of this country, as the party of the Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of every State, and thereby the Union of the States, and to sustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles and compromises of the constitution, which are broad enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be in the full expansion of the energies and capacities of this great and progressive people.

1. Resolved, That there are questions connected with the foreign policy of this country which are inferior to no domestic questions whatever. The time has come for the people of the United States to declare themselves in favor of free seas and progressive free trade throughout the world and by solemn manifestations to place their moral influence at the side of their successful example.

2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position with reference to other States of this continent, no less than the interest of our commerce, and the development of our growing power, requires that we should hold as sacred the principles involved in the Monroe doctrine; their bearing and import admit of no misconstruction; they should be applied with unbending rigidity.

3. Resolved, That the great highway which Nature, in its maintenance, has marked out for a free communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans, constituted one of the most important achievements realized by the spirit of modern times and the unconquerable energy of our people. That result should be secured by a timely and efficient exertion of the control which we have the right to claim over it; and no power on earth should be suffered to impede or clog its progress by any interference with the relations it may suit our policy to establish between our government and the governments of the States within whose dominions it lies. We can, under no circumstances, surrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all questions arising out of it.

4. Resolved, That, in view of so commanding an interest, the people of the United States cannot but sympathize with the efforts which are being made by the people of Central America to regenerate that portion of the continent which covers the passage across the interoceanic isthmus.

5. Resolved, That the democratic party will expect of the next administration that every proper effort will be made to insure our ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico; and to maintain a permanent protection to the great outlets through the soil, and the commodities created by the industry of the people of our western valleys, and of the Union at large.

B. F. HALLETT, Chairman.

Resolved, That the democratic party recognises the great importance, in a political and commercial point of view, of a safe and speedy communication, by military and postal roads, through our own territory, between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of this Union, and that it is the duty of the federal government to exercise promptly all its constitutional power for the attainment of that object.

Mr. Hallett. I am instructed by the committee to lay these resolutions before the convention.

W. I. Packer, of Pennsylvania. I move that this report and resolutions be unanimously adopted, without the crossing of a t or the dotting of an i. [Great applause.]

Mr. Conway, of Virginia. I move that there be a division of the question, and that the convention first act upon the resolutions relating to the domestic policy of the nation. There were delegates here, especially from the State which I be in part represented, who were not prepared to adopt all these resolutions; and it would be necessary to divide the body on the resolutions.

B. F. Butler, of Massachusetts. As this report is the unanimous result of the labors of a committee composed of delegates from all the States, and I believe embodies principles which have obtained the acquiescence of all the democrats in every part of our Union, I shall move the previous question.

[No, no! Great sensation.]

M. R. H. Garnett, of Virginia. I rise to a point of order. A division of the question has been asked by my colleague that took precedence.

[No! Order, order!]

Mr. Garnett, in a warm and excited manner, exclaimed:

Before such resolutions are forced upon us-before they are forced upon the democracy of the Old Dominion, which has steadily opposed the doctrines embraced in one of them—that Old Dominion which has never faltered in defence of the democratic faith-before you force such resolutions upon us, I ask for a division of the question.

Several members here arose and called to order, and insisted that there could be no debate pending a call for the previous question.

Mr. Hibbard, of New Hampshire, said that the call for a division of the main question, under the rules of the House of Representatives, was in order after the previous question was demanded and sustained, and that any one member was entitled to have the main question divided.

The President said that the previous question having been demanded, the question first in order was, Shall the call for the previous question be sustained? That, if it was sustained, the question would be, Shall the main question be now put? And if that was decided in the affirmative, the gentleman from Virginia was entitled to have the main question divided.

Mr. Phelps, of Missouri. Mr. President, I desire to suggest that the right of a delegation from a State, which casts thirty-five votes upon this floor, to be admitted, has not been settled, and I would ask whether it is not premature to adopt the resolutions just read before New York is heard? I think it is, and I appeal to the gentleman from Ohio to withdraw the call for the previous question, that I may move to postpone the further consideration of this platform until the New York contested case is decided.

Mr. Butler refused to withdraw his call for the previous question.

Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, moved that the convention should consider the resolutions reported and acted upon by the committee, disregarding the extra resolution relative to a public road.

The Chair, however, would not entertain the resolution; but the previous question, being seconded, was put to the body, and the body sustained it by a large majority. The order was that the convention would now vote upon the resolutions relating to the domestic policy of the country.

The call was for a vote by States.

The States were severally called, and each delegation unanimously voted aye in favor of the resolutions. The Virginia and Mississippi delegations alone retired to consult, but returned with their unanimous approval of the resolutions.

When the North Carolina vote was announced, Mr. Avery, who was the organ of the delegation, remarked: "North Carolina gives ten votes for the resolutions, and will give ten thousand in November."

When Alabama was called, her delegates cried out:

"Alabama votes nine votes for the resolution, and in November, as usual, she will roll up her fifteen thousand democratic majority."

When Kentucky was called, the Hon. C. A. Wickliffe announced that Kentucky gave her twelve votes for the resolutions, and all she could promise would be a majority in November next. [Loud applause.]

The President then announced that the several delegations had voted unanimously, to wit: two hundred and sixty-one votes in favor of the resolutions reported by the committee relating to the domestic policy of the country.

Mr. Wickliffe. Before we are called on to vote on the remaining portions of the resolutions, I think we should have time from now till three o'clock, in order that in pure air and a clear atmosphere we may look at them with some degree of deliberation, and appreciate the importance of our action in either accepting or rejecting them. I ask for my State a recess of

[Interruptions and calls of order! order! A voice. The character of the gentleman should entitle him to a hearing.]

Mr. Ingersoll, of Connecticut, rose to a point of order, and asked if a division of the question being ordered, the vote ought not to be taken separately.

Objection being made on the score of usage, Mr. Ingersoll would not insist on the point.

Mr. Pettit, of Indiana. I have as much respect for the personal and political character of that gentleman as any member on this floor; but he nor any other member must violate the rules of this convention.

The President. I am compelled, though reluctantly, to declare the gentleman out of order.

Mr. Wickliffe. I stand here to maintain the principles of the party, and sent here by the democratic party of-

[Renewed interruptions.] I rose not to make a speech, but to ask that Kentucky be allowed here to consider and consult upon the remainder of the resolutions reported by the committee.

Mr. Phelps, of Missouri, moved that the convention adjourn.

The Chair decided that his motion was out of order.

Mr. Phelps (with some feeling) asserted that, according to the rules of the House of Representatives, which the body had adopted, the motion to adjourn while under the operation of the previous question was in order.

Mr. Richardson, of Illinois, confirmed this view of the question of order, and said that it was usual, while the roll for the vote by States was being called, to adjourn.

The President said, in view of such an authentic exposition of the practice of the body whose rules they had adopted, unless some member of the House of Representatives should dissent from this statement of the practice in that body, he would reverse his decision.

There was a general acquiescence, and the motion to adjourn was put to the body; and a vote by States being taken, the vote stood 78 for and 183 against adjournment.

Mr. Meade, of Virginia, moved a recess for one hour. If the vote was taken on the other resolutions without a recess, he should ask leave for the Virginia delegation to retire to consult for at least that time.

The motion was lost.

Mr. Ingersoll, of Connecticut, demanded that, under the division of the question, the remaining resolutions should be voted on separately.

The President said that a vote upon each would be so taken.

Mr. Meade, of Virginia, asked leave for the delegation to retire for the purpose of consultation as to their action upon the remaining resolutions.

Leave was given by the convention; and the same was requested for the like purpose by the delegations of Maryland and Missouri; which was acceded to.

On motion of Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, the convention then took a recess until two o'clock, p. m.

AFTERNOON SESSION.

The convention met at two o'clock, and was called to order by the President.

In conformity with the resolution empowering the President to appoint a sergeant-at-arms and two assistants, the following appointments were made: Principal sergeant-at-arms, George W. Palmer; assistants, John R. Johnson and Stephen S. Ayres.

Mr. Hubbard, of New Hampshire, moved to reconsider the vote on the first part of the report of the committee on resolutions, and that said motion be laid on the table. The motion prevailed unanimously.

The Chair then proceeded to take the vote on the questions relative to foreign policy. The first resolution was as follows:

Resolved. That there are questions connected with the foreign policy of this country which are inferior to no domestic questions whatever. The time has come for the people of the United States to declare themselves in favor of free seas and progressive free trade throughout the world, and, by solemn manifestations, to place their moral influence at the side of their successful example.

The vote by States being called, the following States voted unanimously in the affirmative: Maine, 8; New Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; Massachusetts, 13; New Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 27; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 8; Louisiana, 7; Ohio 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Missouri, 9; Arkansas, 4; Michigan, 6; Florida, 3; Texas, 4; Iowa, 4; Wisconsin, 5.

The following States divided: Connecticut-1 aye, 5 nays; Tennessee-11 ayes, 1 nay.

The following States voted in the negative: Rhode Island, 4; Delaware, 4; Maryland, 8; Georgia, 10; Kentucky, 12.

The Chair proclaimed the resolution adopted by 211 ayes, 49 nays.

The second resolution, which is as follows, was then voted on by States:

2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position with reference to other States of this continent, no less than the interest of our commerce, and the development of our growing power, requires that we should hold as sacred the principles involved in the Monroe doctrine; their bearing and import admit of no misconstruction; they should be applied with unbending rigidity.

The following was the vote:

Ayes-Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, 12; Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, 6; Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, 11; Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Arkansas, Michigan, Florida, Texas, Iowa, Wisconsin, California-139.

Nays-Massachusetts, 1; Rhode Island, 4; Delaware, Maryland, Georgia, 4; Tennessee-22.

C. A. Wickliffe, of the Kentucky delegation, asked leave to change their vote on the first resolution from the negative to the affirmative: granted. [Applause.]

The Mississippi delegation asked leave to change their vote to the affirmative; which was granted. [Applause.]

The vote was then taken on the following resolution:

3. Resolved, That the great highway which Nature, as well as the assent of the States most immediately interested in its maintenance, has marked out for a free communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans, constitutes one of the most important achievements realized by the spirit of modern times and the unconquerable energy of our people. That result should be secured by a timely and efficient exertion of the control which we have the right to claim over it, and no power on earth should be suffered to impede or clog its progress by any interference with the relations it may suit our policy to establish between our government and the governments of the States within whose dominion it lies. We can, under no circumstance, surrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all questions arising out of it.

Ayes-Maine, 7; New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, 4; New Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 27; North Carolina, 10; Georgia, 10; Alabama, 9; Mississippi, 7; Tennessee, 7; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Missouri, 9; Arkansas, 4; Michigan, 6; Florida, 3; Texas, 4; Iowa, 4 Wisconsin, 5; California, 4; Louisiana, 6; Ohio, 23.

Nays-Maine, 1; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 2; Delaware, 4; Maryland, 8; Virginia, 15; South Carolina, 8; Kentucky, 12; Tennessee, 5. Ayes 199, nays 57.

The vote by States was then taken on the following resolution:

Resolved. That in view of so commanding an interest the people of the United States cannot but sympathize with the efforts which are being made by the people of Central America to regenerate that portion of the continent which covers the passage across the inter-oceanic isthmus.

Ayes-Maine, 8; New Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; Massachusetts, 13; Connecticut, 2, New Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 27; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 9; Georgia, 10; Alabama, 9; Mississippi, 7; Louisiana, 6; Ohio, 23; Tennessee, 16; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Missouri, 9; Arkansas, 4; Michigan, 6; Florida, 3; Texas, 4; Iowa, 4; Wisconsin, 5; California, 4-221.

Nays-Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 4; Delaware, 4; Maryland, 8; North Carolina, 1; South Carolina, 8; Kentucky, 12; Tennessee, 24.

The vote was then taken by States on the following resolution:

Resolved, That the democratic party will expect of the next administration that every proper effort will be made to insure our ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico, and to maintain a permanent protection to the great outlets through which are emptied into its waters the products raised out of the soil, and the commodities created by the industry of the people of our western valleys and the Union at large.

Ayes-Maine, 6; New Hampshire, 1; Vermont, 5; Massachusetts, 11; Connecticut, 4; New Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 27; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 9; Georgia, 10; Alabama, 9; Mississippi, 7; Louisiana, 6; Ohio, 23; Kentucky 12 Tennessee Indiana 13 Illinois 11 Missouri, 9; Arkansas, 4; Michigan, 6; Florida, 3; Texas, 4; Iowa, 4; Wisconsin, 5; California 4-229.

Nays Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 2; Delaware, 4; Maryland, 8; North Carolina, 1; South Carolina, 8; Tennessee, 3-36.

The following resolution then coming up, H. Salisbury, of Delaware, moved to lay it on the table:

Resolved, That the democratic party recognises the great importance, in a political and commercial point of view, of safe and speedy communication, by military and post roads, through our own territory between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of this Union, and that it is the duty of the federal government to exercise promptly all its constitutional power for the attainment of that object.

On this motion the vote was as follows:

Ayes-Maine, 1; New Hampshire, 4; Massachusetts, 12; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 6; New Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 27; Delaware, 4; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 8; Georgia, 6; Alabama, [under protest of Judge Clitherall,] 9; Mississippi, 7; Ohio, 16; Kentucky, 8; Tennessee, 3; Florida, 3-138 yeas.

Nays-Maine, 7; New Hampshire, 1; Vermont, 5; Massachusetts, 1; Maryland, 8; Georgia, 4; Louisiana, 6; Ohio, 6; Kentucky, 4; Tennessee, 9; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Missouri, 9; Arkansas, 4; Michigan, 6; Texas 4; Iowa, 4; Wisconsin, 5; California, 4-120 nays.

So the resolution was laid on the table.

When Alabama was called, the vote as nine in favor of the motion to lay on the table.

Mr. Clitherall. Some of the delegates from Alabama are opposed to laying the resolution on the table. We wish our three votes to be counted.

Mr. Chapman. It is due to myself as the individual selected to cast the vote of Alabama, to state that at the first meeting of the Alabama delegation it was agreed that a majority should cast the vote of the State. Gentlemen will bear me witness, that in casting the vote of the State, in accordance with that rule which I have all along supposed to be the rule of the delegation, I have on several occasions cast that vote in opposition to my own judgment. I have cast the whole vote of the State in accordance with the decision of the majority of the delegation; and, in doing this, I have done nothing more than I conceive to be my duty.

Mr. Clitherall. How has the vote of the State been recorded?

The President. Six ayes and three nays.

A Voice. Sir, it is wrong.

A Voice. Sir, it is right.

Mr. Chapman. I appeal to the gentlemen of the delegation if they have not, by a solemn vote of that delegation, given to the majority the right to cast the vote of the State.

Mr. Clitherall. Only for one day.

Here a member from Alabama made an explanation in regard to the decision of the delegation in relation to the manner of casting its vote.

Mr. Clitherall. Sir, the spokesman of the delegation has been heard, and also the gentleman who assumes to be his guardian ad litem. They have told us that a rule was adopted giving to the majority the right to govern in casting the vote of the State. That rule was only intended to last till Monday, except in voting for a candidate for President. That majority have no right to say how the minority shall vote. If the majority want to take the back track on that resolution let them do it. But I want to have my vote on the record-I want it put down that I am for the Pacific railroad.

The President announced that, in accordance with the rule adopted by the convention, the majority had a right to govern in casting the vote. Alabama, therefore, voted nine votes to lay on the table the resolution in relation to the public road.

Mr. Colquitt, of Georgia, moved to reconsider the vote on the three last resolutions; and G. W. Peck, of Michigan, moved to lay on the table the motion to reconsider.

On this motion the vote was as follows:

Yeas-Maine, 8; New Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; Massachusetts, 5; New Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 27; Maryland, 1; North Carolina, 10; Mississippi, 7; Louisiana, 6; Ohio, 23; Tennessee, 16; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Arkansas 4; Michigan, 6; Florida, 3; Texas, 4; Iowa, 4; Wisconsin, 5; California, 0-179.

Nays-Massachusetts, 4; Connecticut, 6; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 7; Virginia, 15; South Carolina, 10; Georgia, 9; Alabama, 9; Kentucky, 12; Tennessee, 2, Missouri, 9-79.

So the convention refused to reconsider, and the resolutions were proclaimed adopted.

Mr. Meade, of Virginia, offered a resolution to the effect that the three last resolutions adopted by the convention be regarded as the expression of the opinion of this convention upon the point involved, but are not intended to be made articles of political faith.

G. W. Peck, of Michigan, objected that this resolution could not be entertained, but must, under the rules, go to the committee on resolutions.

Mr. Meade-after in vain asking to be heard on the resolution, the Chair deciding that the question could not be debated, but must go to the committee-moved that the rules be suspended.

A vote by States was called for, and resulted as follows: 74 for, and 188 votes against suspending the rules.

Mr. Lowe, of Maryland, sent to the Chair the following resolution, which he was instructed by his delegation to present:

Resolved, That, without expressing any opinion in regard to the principles involved in the last five resolutions of the proposed platform, we deem it inexpedient to adopt said resolutions as part of said platform, and that the chairman of this delegation be directed to cast its vote in the negative upon said resolution, and that he is further instructed at proper time to request the reading of this resolution to the convention, as the ground upon which the action of this delegation is based.

Referred to the committee on resolutions.

Judge Borden, of Indiana, moved the following resolution:

Resolved, That a committee of one from each State, to be selected by the delegates thereof, be appointed to report the names of persons to constitute the Democratic National Committee, and the mode of constituting and calling the next Democratic Convention. Adopted.

The following names were proposed under this resolution by the various delegations:

COMMITTEE OF ONE FOR EACH STATE.

Maine, Dudley F. Leavitt; New Hampshire, J. H. Smith; Vermont, John Cain; Massachusetts, Whiting Griswold; Rhode Island, William J. Miller; Connecticut, J. P. C. Mather; New York. New Jersey, John M. Bicknell; Pennsylvania, H. B. Foster; Delaware, Henry Ridgely Maryland, F. Hamilton; Virginia, Archibald Graham North Carolina, Burton Craige; South Carolina, B. H. Wilson; Georgia, W. R. Graffenreid; Alabama, James R. Powell; Mississippi, O. K. Singleton; Louisiana, W. W. Pugh; Ohio, Wm. Lawrence; Kentucky. T. C. McCrary; Tennessee see, T. M. Jones; Indiana, G. F. Cookerly; Illinois, W. Cockle; Missouri, Wm. Watson; Arkansas, Jordan N. Embree; Michigan, A. E. Campbell; Florida, C. E. Dyke; Texas, William Fields; Iowa, D. H. Solomons; Wisconsin, M. J. Thomas; California, D. E. Buel.

The President, in view of the crowded and heated state of the convention, called attention to a complaint that members of the delegations were in the habit of sending their tickets out for the admission of strangers and outsiders. He appealed to the honor of members not to suffer themselves to be parties to such an unwise breach of the rules of the convention.

A delegate, calling attention to the quantity of work already done, and that the committee on credentials not being ready to report on the New York controversy, moved that the convention adjourn.

Mr. Hubbard, of Texas, was enforcing the necessity of having a full vote on the great question of selecting the presidency, when he was interrupted by Mr. Pettit, of Indiana, who said:

Mr. President: If the New Yorkers are not ready to come into the convention and participate with us in its labors, there are other States that are ready, and I move that we proceed to vote for the candidates for the presidency and vice presidency. [Loud applause.]

Mr. Hubbard resumed. The motion is to proceed to vote for a candidate for President and Vice President. In the Baltimore Convention of 1852, when there were contested votes from New York and Georgia, the convention decided that it would not proceed to the nomination of a candidate for the presidency until the contested elections were determined. New York sends two sets of delegates, whose claims are under consideration by the committee on credentials. Whatever may be the decision, at least one of their delegates will be entitled to a seat, and perhaps both. New York has a right to be heard on the momentous question of the nomination of a candidate for the presidency. We thought that there was sufficient soundness in the democracy of New York to recognise the platform adopted by the convention without the formality of their voting. But on the nomination of the candidates we have no right to deny them a hearing. I trust that the gentleman will withdraw his motion.

Mr. Pettit withdrew his motion.

H. Salisbury, of Delaware. Sir, we have done more today than has generally been done by democratic conventions. We have gone, in the adoption of our resolutions, beyond the precedents of previous conventions. It would be wise for us not to proceed further and too rapidly, but to act calmly and discreetly; and he was therefore in favor of adjourning to hear the committee on credentials.

H. B. Wright, of Pennsylvania, said he was one of the committee on credentials, and the committee had been much engaged in hearing the parties in the contested case of New York, but that it would be prepared to make a report on to-morrow at two o'clock.

Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, was in favor of adjourning, but he added that he was against waiting any longer on those gentlemen who could not settle their quarrels at home He would not wait a day longer for them than to-morrow. If they were not prepared to come into the convention and arrange their difficulties, after a reasonable time, he hoped that the other States would proceed to perform their duty. and discharge the trust for which they were sent here.

The vote to adjourn to to-morrow 10 o'clock, a. m., was then taken and carried.

Fourth Day's Proceedings: The Ballotings.

The subjoined interesting despatch was received at too late an hour for insertion in our last issue:

Cincinnati, June 5.-At two o'clock, p. m., Col. Preston, from the committee appointed to inform the New York delegation of the action of the convention, reported that they had performed that duty, and that the New York delegates were in the hall.

Mr. Hatch, of Louisiana, for his delegation, entered a protest against both the majority and minority reports of the committee on credentials.

Mr. Inge, of California, moved to take up the resolution in favor of the overland postal roads.

Mr. Carrigan moved that the New York delegation take no part in the convention until they subscribe to the platform adopted yesterday. [Great confusion, several members raising points of order.]

After a discussion, Mr. Inge moved a suspension of the rules, in order that his previous motion could be entertained, and a vote by States was called.

The Chair. There are seats enough for every delegate, and they are all full. Those gentlemen standing up must be here uninvited, and I request them to leave the hall.

The motion to suspend the rules was lost-yeas 121 nays 175.

Mr. Meade, of Virginia, moved that New York be now allowed to vote upon the platform; which motion was carried unanimously

When the vote was called, Mr. Ludlow arose and cast fifteen votes for the platform entire; [cheers;] and Judge Beardsley arose and cast eighteen votes for the platform entire. Loud and continued applause.]

Loud cries for the order of the day followed: and Mr. Meade, of Virginia, nominated "that able statesman and uncompromised democrat, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania."

Mr. Hibbard, of New Hampshire, nominated Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire.

Mr. Inge, of California, nominated Lewis Cass, of Michigan.

Mr. Richardson nominated Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois.

The Chair requested the convention would be as orderly as possible.

The New York "softs" cast eighteen votes for Pierce, and the hards cast seventeen for Buchanan.

On the second ballot Mr. Buchanan gained three and a half votes Mr. Pierce losing three, Mr. Douglas one and a half, and Mr. Cass gaining one.

On the third ballot Mr. Buchanan lost one, Mr. Pierce one, and Mr. Douglas gained two. In Kentucky Mr. Buchanan gained two, and Mr. Douglas lost Wisconsin.

Mr. Douglas gained one and Mr. Cass lost one in Ohio, on the fourth ballot, which was the only change, except in Kentucky, where Messrs. Buchanan and Pierce gained one each, and Mr. Douglas lost two.

On the fifth ballot Mr. Buchanan gained one, and Mr. Pierce lost one, in Massachusetts, and Mr. Buchanan lost one and a half and Douglas gained one and a half.

On the sixth ballot Tennessee changed twelve votes from Pierce to Buchanan; in Kentucky, Buchanan gained two, Pierce one, and Douglas lost three. On the announcement of the Tennessee vote loud cheers were given, which were checked by the President.

On the seventh ballot Tennessee turned from Buchanan to Douglas-twelve votes. Arkansas changed her four votes from Pierce to Douglas. Buchanan gained one in Massachusetts. Georgia changed from Pierce to seven for Douglas and three for Buchanan.

On the eighth vote Buchanan gained five-one from Maine and two in Kentucky.

On the ninth ballot Buchanan gained one from Massachusetts, and lost in Kentucky.

On the tenth ballot Vermont changed from Pierce to Douglas five votes, and Douglas gained two in Ohio.

On the eleventh ballot Maryland gave her entire vote to Buchanan.

A motion to adjourn was made and lost.

On the twelfth ballot there was no material change.

On the thirteenth Rhode Island broke from Pierce, casting two votes for Buchanan and two for Pierce.

On the fourteenth Rhode Island cast her whole vote for Buchanan, and the convention then adjourned until nine, a. m., to-morrow.

The vote cast in New Haven was the largest ever cast in that city. So, too, in Washington. So, too, in Albany.

The fact is the democrats have only been beaten of late by the causes which have kept them, and good citizens generally, from the polls. A full vote is a democratic victory.

[Albany Atlas and Argus.

SAILING OF THE CANADA.-The steamship Canada sailed from Boston on Wednesday with 123 passengers and $543,000 in specie. Among the passengers by the Canada, which left Boston yesterday, were Mr. Crampton, the late British minister, and Messrs. Barclay, Matthews, and Rowcroft, the late British consuls at New York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati. Mr. Barclay has issued the following notice:

Her Britannic Majesty's Consulate, New York, May 29, 1856.

The public is hereby informed that the President of the United States having revoked my exequatur as her Majesty's consul for the State of New York, I have, under authority for that purpose, appointed Joseph Fowler, esq., of New York, to take charge of the duties of this office, and perform the same as far as he can do so in conformity with law.

ANTHONY BARCLAY.

Texas Items of News.-The Galveston Civilian of the 27th has the following notice of the meeting in favor of Nicaragua, held in that city on the evening of the 24th:

"The meeting at Morian Hall on Saturday evening (which adjourned to last night,) was large and enthusiastic. The feeling of the crowd in favor of Nicaragua was evidently strong. It was a significant, a suggestive sight to behold, as the chairman of the meeting, the first President of Texas, David G. Burnet, sustained by two vice presidents, General Sherman and Dr. Carper, and a secretary, Mr. Oscar Farish, all soldiers of San Jacinto. The fire which animated their bosoms in 1836 seems to be unquenched in 1856. The address of General McLeod, though involving a rather desultory review of our foreign relations, past and present, was at times eloquent, and received with much applause.

"Messrs. Burnet, McLeod, Waddell, Farish, Edwards Forshey, and Brown were appointed to prepare resolutions for the adjourned meeting.

The Lockhart Watchman of the 24th instant says that General Sam Houston has arrived at home from Washington city in very ill health.

Col. Robert Wilson, one of the old Texans, died at his residence, in Houston, on the 25th instant, after a short illness, of ulcerated sore throat. The Telegraph says:

"Col. Wilson was born December 16, 1793, and came to Texas as early as April, 1828. He, with some friends, brought with them a vessel called The Rights of Men, and his after conduct shows that one of the great objects in coming was to attest the rights of men, having nobly participated in our struggle for independence. He was one of the gallant band that stormed and captured Bexar in 1835. He was also twice elected to the Senate of our republic, and was ever elected a faithful and honest public servant."

A communication in the Matagorda Times says that cattle-stealing is carried on in the country extensively.

The Brownsville Flag of the 14th instant says:

"A rumor was current here last week to the effect that a party of Indians had crossed from Mexico, at a point above Edinburgh, and murdered several persons, creating great consternation among the rancheros. The Indians are said to be Lipans, who declare the intention to revenge themselves on every Mexican they meet for the illegal treachery to their tribe received in Mexico."

The Helena Tragedy. The Helena (Arkansas) Democrat says that Col. T. C. Hindman, jr., is fast recovering from his wound, and will in a short time be able to be out among his friends once more. The same paper further says:

"We are also pleased to state that P. R. Cleburne, esq. is also convalescent, and his friends now entertain strong hopes of his recovery. His wound, though both severe and dangerous, has assumed a favorable appearance; and he too, we hope, will in a very few weeks be able to receive the kind congratulations of his numerous friends on his speedy recovery."

Final Burial of Madame Sontag. Madame Henrietta Sontag was buried on the 2d of May in the convent of Marienf eld, near Dresden, in which her younger sister is a nun. The interment was attended only by her husband, Count Rossi, her mother, and four children.

The Panama Massacre.-We copy the following from the Providence Journal:

"We have seen an interesting letter from Alexander W. Fenner, who was one of the passengers wounded in the terrible affair at Panama. The account of the origin of the difficulty, and of the murderous conduct of the police, corresponds with the published reports. When the police joined the robbers he was hit by five balls, only one of which injured him severely, the others being spent. He found a place of temporary shelter, from which he was dragged; his pockets were rifled, his clothes, in which his gold had been sewed, were cut open, and the villains thrust their knives into the wound, from which the blood was flowing. He had the fortitude to remain immovable, and passed for dead, so they did not despatch him. He was cared for by the company's officers, and, by the aid of kind nursing and good medical treatment, was getting well, although his wound was at first considered mortal."

The Montgomery and Pensacola Railroad.-It is estimated that the Montgomery and Pensacola railroad will receive, under the recent grants from Congress, land to the amount of 735,000 acres, 160,000 acres of which will fall to the Florida part of the line, and 575,000 to the Alabama part. The aid thus given, it is thought, will secure the completion of the work, and at an early day.

Copper in Wisconsin. A few days since a piece of copper ore weighing twenty-four pounds was found at the Belgian settlement at Green Bay, Wisconsin, which was nearly pure. Several other pieces have been found in the same neighborhood, some of which were too heavy to be removed without the aid of mechanical power.

A Heavy Contract. A contract for the tunnelling of Bergen hill, New Jersey, for the New York and Erie railroad, has been entered into with James H. Mallery, of Newark, New Jersey. The tunnelling is to be 4,000 feet in length, and wide enough for a double track. The whole work for tunnelling and building two miles of track is to be completed by November, 1857.

WASHINGTON CITY.

SATURDAY MORNING JUNE 7, 1856.

Mr. Israel E. Jauss, No. 182 South Tenth street, Philadelphia, is our general travelling agent, assisted by Wm. H. Webb, John Collins, James Deering, J. Hammitt, R. S. James, Thos. D. Nice, R. W. Morrison. E. W. Wiley, Wm. L. Waterman Alex. H. Carson, D. K. Munity, Ben. F. Swain, T. Ashman, and P. Davis.

Mr. Henry M. Lewis, of Montgomery, Alabama, is our general travelling agent for the States of Alabama and Tennessee, assisted by C. F. Lewis, James O. Lewis, and Samuel D. Lewis.

Mr. C. W. James, No. 1 Harrison street, Cincinnati, Ohio, is our general collecting agent for the Western States and Texas assisted by H. J. Thomas, William H. Thomas, Thos. M. James, Dr. A. L. Childs, George Morris, and Richard League. Receipts of either will be good.

DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS.

FOR PRESIDENT.

JAMES BUCHANAN,

OF PENNSYLVANIA.

FOR VICE PRESIDENT

JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE,

OF KENTUCKY.

MASS-MEETING OF THE DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS OF WASHINGTON TO RATIFY THE NOMINATIONS OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.

We have been requested to state that a mass-meeting of the democratic citizens of Washington, to ratify the nominations of the Democratic National Convention, will be held at half-past seven o'clock, this (Saturday) evening June 7, in front of the City Hall.

Hon. Lewis Cass, Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, Hon. S. A. Smith, and other distinguished democrats now in Washington, are expected to address the meeting

THE DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS.

Our last report of the proceedings of the Democratic National Convention brought us to the close of the afternoon session of Thursday, at which time fourteen ballots had been taken for a candidate for President without a choice being effected. The convention assembled again yesterday morning, when the ballotings were resumed

On the seventeenth ballot Hon. James Buchanan received the unanimous vote of the convention for the highest office in the gift of the people of the United States.

The democracy would have been invincible in the approaching presidential campaign with any candidate whom they might have nominated on the platform of the Cincinnati Convention. With James Buchanan as their standard-bearer, they can scarcely encounter a contest

The reputation of this eminent citizen has been so long and so favorably associated with his country's history that the memorial of his public services, imprinted in the minds and hearts of all patriotic Americans, requires no detailed repetition. In the House of Representatives of the United States, and in the Senate, in the cabinet as the head of the Department of State, and abroad as a diplomatist in the charge of our most important foreign relations, he has been distinguished alike as the sagacious and the trustworthy statesman, in whose hands the national welfare might always be intrusted profitably not less than securely for his country's interests. During his long career of political service in these various departments of the government he has uniformly been conspicuous for energy, perseverance, and industrious application to business, and for the punctual fulfilment of every obligation of public and private duty. The result has been an extended and matured experience, which, if possessed by a citizen of average capacity and ordinary acquirements might have justified the selection of the convention. But his natural powers of mind are of the highest grade. In the development of his moral and intellectual merits his course has been adorned by the display of brilliant abilities, with a rare combination of superior tact and consummate prudence. These characteristic traits have never been exhibited in any other association than those of honor, delicacy, and refined feeling

Since the above was in type we have received the telegraphic announcement of the nomination of the Hon. John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, as the candidate of our party for the vice presidency. We confidently predict that the name of this distinguished statesman and ardent patriot, in association with that of our candidate for the presidency, will awaken a feeling of enthusiasm throughout the country, and inspire with energy the exertions of all who may be engaged on the side of the democracy in the presidential canvass. Mr. Breckinridge's course in Congress, as a member of the House of Representatives, was at once that of commanding influence and persuasive conciliation. He is in the prime of life. His ripening development promises years of matured vigor in active political service. A patriot, a statesman, an orator, and a scholar, he combines in his character all the requisites for the highest honors in the gift of the nation.

It is not necessary, at this time, to dwell longer upon the character, qualification, and standing of the distinguished gentlemen who have been placed in nomination for the presidency and vice presidency by the generous, cordial, and unanimous action of the Democratic National Convention. The history of Mr. Buchanan is a part, and a brilliantly conspicuous part, of the history of the democratic party. The past of Mr. Breckinridge gives assurance of high political honors, gallantly won and modestly worn, and of further efficient, consistent, and self-sacrificing efforts in behalf of those great principles which must forever remain identified with the cause of civil and religious freedom.

We cannot close this necessarily hurried notice better than by republishing the admirable speech delivered a few days since in the House of Representatives by Hon. J. Glancy Jones, of Pennsylvania. It is an overwhelmingly triumphant answer to the more prominent slanders circulated against one whose courageous conservatism as a statesman, and whose ardent devotion as a patriot, have secured for him the confidence, the affection, and the support of the people:

Mr. JONES. I ask the unanimous consent of the House to give me thirty-five minutes merely to reply to the remarks of my colleague on Saturday; and I ask my friend from Ohio to allow me to proceed now with what I have to say.

Mr. CAMPBELL. Well, I will not object.

Mr. JONES, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I was somewhat surprised on Saturday last that my colleague, [Mr. Fulton,] who obtained, as a question of privilege, the unanimous consent of the House to make a personal explanation of his own position before the country on the great leading questions of the day, should avail himself of that same privilege to make a covert attack upon the democracy of Pennsylvania and her leading men.

Whatever may have been the design of my colleague whether in self-defence or otherwise, no man who heard him could arrive at any other conclusion than that the latter part of his speech was intended to place James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, in a false position before the country. I name this distinguished gentleman because it is well known that he now stands prominently before the country, presented by his own great State, as a candidate for the presidency.

As far as the position of my colleague upon the leading national questions of the day is concerned, I have nothing to say. I leave that to others. He is not a member of the democratic party. It is not responsible for his acts or opinions, nor is he a recognised expounder of its doctrines. Whatever may have been his position formerly, or however it may conflict with that which he holds at present, it is a matter which does not concern the democracy of the country.

I can understand why my colleague should, at this juncture, desire to square himself to his new position as a national man by invoking the noble name of James Buchanan. Sir, it is the fashion, in the new cast of parties in this hall, to appeal to great names as the authors and supporters of great errors. George Washington has been quoted here as a know-nothing by a perversion of one of his military orders; Thomas Jefferson has been introduced before us as the original inventor of the higher law; and we have even been invited to a feast, composed of obscure and dusty traditions, at which both Franklin and Madison have been made to figure as modern abolitionists. May I say to my colleague that this practice is much better honored in the breach than in the observance?

Nor is it my purpose either to allude to any of the gentlemen named by my colleague, myself included, or to explain their positions on these questions; that is a matter which will take care of itself. My purpose is to address myself entirely to that portion of his remarks which related to that distinguished Pennsylvanian, James Buchanan.

I am deeply impressed with the idea that it is a work of supererogation for me to come to the rescue of the noble and glorious stand which the democracy of Pennsylvania has taken and maintained fearlessly and boldly before the country, in every crisis where the constitution or the Union was assailed or endangered. I call the attention of the House and the country to the fact, that of all the northern States there is none which has confessedly been more undeviating in its defence of national doctrines than the State which I have the honor in part to represent. I say confessedly, because the evidence of this is to be found, not only in the tribute paid to the record of Pennsylvania by the sound men of all parts of the Union, but by the unceasing and reckless attacks made upon the democracy of that State for their perseverance and fidelity in times of trial, in resisting the onsets of fanaticism, by the leaders of abolitionism. Pennsylvania has always occupied this position; and standing as it were in the centre of the Union, between the North and the South, she has been enabled to resist the advance of abolitionism, and to protect, with her gigantic energies and imposing example, those institutions which are constantly imperilled in the course of political events. The record of the democracy of Pennsylvania is luminous. Its acts and deeds are known throughout the length and breadth of the country. I should only mar that record, and weaken its powerful force, by even attempting to defend it from assault from any quarter. For its high position before the country, for its long line of brilliant acts, known and recognised throughout our glorious Union, we stand this day more indebted to the firm, consistent, and fearless course of James Buchanan than any other man living.

Nor, Mr. Speaker, do I deem it necessary to come to his defence. That is not my object. He is understood at this day, as I have already stated, to be a prominent candidate for the presidency, presented by his own great State with unparalleled unanimity. In forty years of public service he has made a record which, I emphatically say here, needs no vindication at my hands. Upon that record he now stands before the country; but as public opinion, with great propriety, in an exciting crisis like the present, is necessarily drawn to a close and scrutinizing investigation of all the acts and opinions of public men, even to a misrepresentation of these opinions, I deem it necessary here, and in my place, and for the last time, as far as I may be able, to settle this matter, so far as it relates to Mr. Buchanan.

The public life and character of this distinguished gentleman are so completely identified with the history of the democracy of his native State that it is impossible to separate them; and I could not defend the one without defending the other. My object now is, not so much even to offer a defence of Mr. Buchanan as it is to expose the character of the covert attacks that may be made upon his public life and political position, designed to have an injurious effect upon the country at this particular crisis. In the other wing of the Capitol he has been associated with the ablest intellects of the day in supporting constitutional principles. Sir, you recollect this as well as I do; and I will not consume the time of the House by rehearsing his record, familiar as it is to the people of the country, but come at once to the charge of my colleague, that in 1819 Mr. Buchanan acted as the chairman of a committee at a meeting held at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in which certain resolutions were adopted denouncing the Missouri Compromise. Those resolutions are as follows:

"Resolved, That the representatives in Congress from this district be, and they are hereby, most earnestly requested to use their utmost endeavors, as members of the national legislature, to PREVENT the EXISTENCE of SLAVERY in any of the Territories or States which may be erected by Congress.

"Resolved, That, in the opinion of this meeting, the members of Congress who, at the last session, sustained the cause of justice, humanity, and patriotism, in opposing the introduction of slavery into the States then endeavored to be formed out of the Missouri Territory, are entitled to the warmest thanks of every friend of humanity."

If my colleague is as unfortunate in his allusions to others as I think I will be able to show he has been to Mr. Buchanan, the speech which he pronounced on Saturday will not add much to his reputation. It is somewhat remarkable, and unfortunate for my colleague, that, in a speech made to vindicate his own character from a charge founded upon a false and spurious document, he should in the same speech rake up against Mr. Buchanan a charge founded upon a document equally false and spurious.

Now, sir, I am enabled to state, on unquestioned authority, that the declaration that James Buchanan was chairman of the committee which framed those resolutions is unfounded and untrue. I undertake here in my place to say to the House and the country that Mr. Buchanan did not report the resolutions referred to; that he was not the chairman of the committee by which they were reported; and that he never saw them until they appeared in print.

But suppose he had reported them-suppose he had been chairman of the committee which reported them-I appeal to the South to answer whether this fact should stand against him with the long experience of his life before the country.

But, Mr. Speaker, this accusation belongs to the class of idle reports invented, and now circulated, to damage him in the estimation of the American people. Sir, all these accusations, whether asserted anonymously or publicly, are triumphantly answered by the record of his public life I do not deem it necessary, Mr. Speaker, to go into an examination of the other allegations of my colleague in reference to Mr. Buchanan. So much stress seems to have been laid upon the particular charge which I have just answered that I thought it worthy of this special notice. As to the rest, I confess my astonishment that my colleague should have deemed it necessary to refer to them.

All such accusations as these against Mr. Buchanan are answered by thirty-six years of devotion to the constitution of the United States.

They are answered by the fact that, twenty years ago, in the Senate of the United States, he was among the first northern men to resist the inroads of abolitionism.

They are answered by his opposition to the circulation of insurrectionary documents through the mails of the United States among the slaves of the South.

They are answered by his determined support of the bill admitting Arkansas into the American Union.

They are answered by his eloquent support of the bill admitting Michigan into the Union.

They are answered by his early support of the annexation of Texas.

They are answered by his persevering support of the fugitive-slave law.

They are answered by his energetic efforts to effect the repeal of the law of the State of Pennsylvania denying to the federal authorities the use of her prisons for the detention of fugitive slaves

They are answered by his early and unyielding opposition to the Wilmot proviso.

They are answered by the assaults which have been made upon him by northern fanatics during more than a quarter of a century.

They are answered by the encomiums of the true and national men of every section of the country, in which he is repeatedly designated as "distinguished for his capacity-distinguished for his high attainments-distinguished for his high eloquence, yet more distinguished still for the pure morality of his life and the stern patriotism of his character."

They are answered by the fact that, while a member of Mr. Polk's cabinet, against the opposition of fanaticism, he proposed to extend the Missouri line to the Pacific, amid the delight and gratitude of national men of all parts of the Union.

They are answered by every vote he gave in the American Congress on the question of slavery, and by the fact that, of all northern men, he has been among the most prominent in asserting and defending a strict construction of the federal constitution.

They are answered by the construction which he placed upon the compromise measures of 1850, in the letter addressed by him in November of the same year to the people of Philadelphia, in which he declared that the compromise measures had superseded the Missouri line, or, to use his own language, that that line had "passed away," which construction led inevitably to the adoption of the principle of popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill.

They are answered by the national action of his State—a State memorable in the history of this question for its fidelity to the rights of the other States, a record with which he and his friends are inseparably identified.

They are answered by the resolutions adopted by the last democratic State convention of Pennsylvania, and accepted and endorsed by Mr. Buchanan on Thursday, the 8th of May, in the following language:

"The duties of the President, whomsoever he may be have been clearly and ably indicated by the admirable resolutions of the convention which you have just presented to me, and all of which, without reference to those merely personal to myself, I heartily adopt. Indeed, they met my cordial approbation from the moment when I first perused them on the other side of the Atlantic. They constitute a platform, broad, national, and conservative, and one eminently worthy of the democracy of our great and good old State.

These resolutions, carried into execution with an inflexibility and perseverance precluding all hope of change, and yet in a kindly spirit, will, ere long, allay the dangerous excitement which has for some years prevailed on the subject of domestic slavery, and again unite all portions of our common country in the ancient bonds of brotherly affection, under the flag of the constitution and the Union."

And I now send the resolutions adopted by the democracy of Pennsylvania, and endorsed by Mr. Buchanan, to the Clerk's table, and desire that they may be read:

"Resolved, That in the present distracted condition of parties, in which sectional and partial issues have been allowed to attain a dangerous supremacy, we recognise in the policy of the democratic party that which rests upon the constitution as its basis; and that it is the party which, above all others, has, in the language of the illustrious Madison, ever continued 'to hold the Union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the constitution, which is the cement of the Union.'

in its limitations as its anchor, and to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the States and to the people, as equally incorporated with and essential to the success

avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction.'

"Resolved, That by the general consent of the wise and virtuous of all nations, the framers of the republic of the United States exhibited

in the result of their public deliberations, a degree of virtue and a practical

statesmanship to

which the history of

the world affords no parallel; that in no part of the federal compact is the wisdom of our fathers more conspicuous than in leaving the whole question of slavery to the States in their separate capacities; and that, in the provision for the redelivery of fugitives

escaped from labor or service they demonstrated

sense of justice, an appreciation of the value of the Union,

an attachment to its preservation

and avoidance

philanthropy and impracticable theories of government,

which present a proper example for the guidance and imitation of us, their descendants.

Resolved, That we look only to the constitution, and the exposition thereof which has been afforded by the practice of the democratic administrations, for the chart of our policy. That these constitute, until the fundamental law is

changed by the methods which itself provides

the highest

our obedience as citizens; and that we utterly discard that particular

and exaggerated sympathy

the attempt to carry which into practice is at the peril of our dearest interests as a nation, and threatens the infliction of evils of tenfold magnitude to those which it proposes to heal.

"Resolved, That the equality of the States is the vital element of the constitution itself, and that all interference with

the rights the States

the sacred guarantees of the past, and by all others, should be rebuked with the same spirit that would denounce and repudiate

all attempts

those who are entitled to share the blessings and benefits of our free institutions.

Resolved, That the effort to direct the power of the government by anti-slavery agitations, under the various names and phases

of free-soilism anti-Nebraskaism fusionism

and republicanism, and by interfering with the rights of conscience in establishing a religious test as a qualification for office, by the secret oath-bound society of the know-nothings, is opposed both to the letter and the spirit of the constitution, and to the earnest teachings and practice of its earliest and most honored administrators.

"Resolved, That we are now, as ever, unalterably opposed to the doctrines and designs of all organizations which contemplate the overthrow of the civil and religious rights of the citizen, which, like the equality of the States, is a sacred and inalienable right, never to be interfered with by factious parties and reckless legislation, without a subversion of the primary objects of our political system, and a repudiation of the guarantees of the past and the hopes of the future.

"Resolved, That in the repeal of the act known as the Missouri-Compromise act, and the passage of the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, free from unconstitutional restrictions, the last Congress performed a work of patriotic sacrifice in meeting the demands of sectional excitement by unshaken adherence to the fundamental law.

"Resolved, That this legislation cannot be deemed unnecessary, but that it was expedient to meet the questions of which it disposed, and which could never admit of a more easy settlement than at present. That we recognise in it the application to the Territories of the United States of the rule of 'equal and exact justice to all men,' of all sections of the confederacy, which was designed by the framers of our government, and which was defined as one of its essential principles by the immortal Jefferson.

"Resolved, That the democracy of Pennsylvania, following the counsel of some of the wisest statesmen of the North and South, were ready on more than one occasion in the past

to extend the Missouri-Compromise line to the Pacific

so as to make it the basis of a final settlement of the question of slavery in the Territories; but when this proposition was rejected in 1848, on the ground that it involved an undue concession to the South, by the very men who now clamor for a restoration of the Missouri line, there seemed to be but one wise alternative left-and that was to refer the whole question of slavery in the Territories to the people thereof, to be regulated as they may deem proper; and we, therefore, cheerfully extend our hearty support to the policy of the government as recognised in the compromise measures of 1850, and embodied in the laws organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska."

And what other answer is necessary to the allegation of my colleague? What other platform does the country desire?

Mr. Speaker, this is Mr. Buchanan's position. Upon this impregnable foundation he takes his stand. There is no evasion here; all is frank, outspoken, and plain. Who can be surprised if to such a standard-and to such a man the people, in the present crisis, should look with confidence and hope? Who will not rejoice to see patriotic citizens applauding a public man who stands upon such a creed? Those gallant spirits heretofore opposed to us, whose voices we have heard with such transports of delight in both branches of Congress, declaring themselves for the principles of the national democracy, will be no less gratified with the creed upon which Mr. Buchanan has taken his position than will the national democrats themselves. And now, sir, let me recall to your mind the action of the democratic party in this House, at the opening of the present Congress, to the following resolution, which I had the honor to offer on the 3d of December, 1855, and which was adopted by that caucus by a unanimous vote:

"Resolved. That the democratic members of the House of Representatives, though in a temporary minority in this body, deem this a fit occasion to tender to their fellow-citizens of the whole Union their heartfelt congratulations on the triumph, in the recent elections in several of the northern, eastern, and western, as well as southern States, of the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and the doctrines of civil and religious liberty, which have been so violently assailed by a secret political order known as the know-nothing party; and, though in a minority, we hold it to be our highest duty to preserve our organization and continue our efforts in the maintenance and defence of those principles, and the constitutional rights of every section and every class of citizens, against their opponents of every description, whether the so-called republicans, know-nothings, or fusionists; and to this end, we look with confidence to the support and approbation of all good and true men-friends of the constitution and the Union throughout the country."

You will observe that the invitation to the patriotic men of all parties held out in this resolution is in exact accordance with the spirit which now animates the democracy all over the land, and which was fitly responded to by the democracy of Pennsylvania when they placed James Buchanan in nomination for the presidency. You will observe, also, that the confidence expressed in the ultimate triumph of the principles of the Nebraska bill, and the advice that these principles should not be discarded, are in peculiar harmony with the stern patriotism of character which has always controlled Mr. Buchanan in meeting great questions, and especially in resisting the onsets of the enemies of the rights of the States.

Mr. Speaker, we are on the eve of important events. We are in the midst of an era of investigation; and at such a time it is natural, it is right, that the records of our public men should be explored, to see how far they may be trusted in the future. We have not boasted of the record of Mr. Buchanan, nor have we obtruded it upon the country. The masses know it by heart; they have studied it carefully, and they rest upon it, confident that it will stand the test of the most intelligent scrutiny.

And while we are thus careful to secure a standard-bearer whose past history shall be one luminous illustration of truth defended and of error exposed, it is proper that we should extend to those gallant national men heretofore in opposition to us a cheerful welcome to our ranks Let us secure the co-operation of these gifted and patriotic men; let us maintain our hold upon the affections of the national democrats by presenting a candidate who, like James Buchanan, will challenge and command the respect of all parties, and who stands upon the record without blemish, and can point to a career worthy of the imitation of every young man in the land.

HON. W. A. RICHARDSON.

The Little Rock (Arkansas) True Democrat thus notices the nomination of Colonel Richardson for governor of Illinois:

"The nomination of this distinguished national democrat by the democracy of Illinois, as a candidate for governor, is hailed throughout the South with the liveliest feelings of satisfaction. It is a good omen of the future. So long as the democratic party at the North sustain and elevate to office such men as belong to the class of which Wm. A. Richardson is a noble representative the Union will be safe. In the long-protracted struggle for Speaker the whole South could not have looked on and manifested more interest for the triumph of one of her own favorite sons than she did for the triumph of Wm. A. Richardson—the friend and father of the Kansas-Nebraska bill in the House of Representatives. All honor to the gallant democracy of Illinois, who know how to appreciate true merit and to reward it"

TEXAS BUCHANAN CLUB.

It gives us much pleasure to state that a large number of citizens of Texas, now temporarily residing in this city, have formed themselves into a democratic association, which they style the "Texas Buchanan Club of Washington city." The principal object of the club is to distribute throughout the State of Texas important political documents during the pending presidential canvass; to secure which object its members recommend the formation of a similar club in every county in the State The following gentlemen have been elected permanent officers of the club: James B. Shaw, president; Wm. Fields, vice president; Alexander H. Evans, recording and corresponding secretary.

The legislature of Massachusetts (says the Albany Atlas and Argus) "backed down" on the resolution, introduced into the lower house, to appropriate $10,000 for the promotion of civil war in Kansas. It is cheaper to make facts and invent falsehoods; and Massachusetts will save its money and direct its labor to that.
JUDGE DOUGLAS AND THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.

On Thursday last Judge Douglas addressed the following despatches to Hon. W. A. Richardson, a member of the Illinois delegation in the Democratic National Convention. We give these despatches in the order they were written and forwarded by telegraph:

WASHINGTON, June 3, 1856.

DEAR SIR: From the telegraphic reports in the newspapers I fear that an embittered state of feeling is being engendered in the convention, which may endanger the harmony and success of our party. I wish you and all my friends to bear in mind that I have a thousand-fold more anxiety for the triumph of our principles than for my own personal elevation. If the withdrawal of my name will contribute to the harmony of our party, or the success of the cause, I hope you will not hesitate to take the step. Especially it is my desire that the action of the convention will embody and express the wishes, feelings, and principles of the democracy of the republic; and hence, if Mr. Pierce, or Mr. Buchanan, or any other eminent statesman who is faithful to the great issues involved in the contest, shall receive a majority of the convention, I earnestly hope that all of my friends will unite in insuring him two-thirds, and then in making his nomination unanimous. Let no personal considerations disturb the harmony of the party or endanger the triumph of our principles.

S. A. DOUGLAS.

Hon. W. A. RICHARDSON,
Burnett House, Cincinnati, Ohio.

WASHINGTON, June 5, 1856—9, a. m.

DEAR SIR: I have just read so much of the platform as relates to the Nebraska bill and slavery question. The adoption of that noble resolution by the unanimous vote of all the States accomplishes all the objects I had in view in permitting my name to be used before the convention. If agreeable to my friends, I would much prefer exerting all my energies to elect a tried statesman on that platform to being the nominee myself. At all events, do not let my name be used in such manner as to disturb the harmony of the party or endanger the success of the work so nobly begun.

S. A. DOUGLAS.

Hon. W. A. RICHARDSON, of Illinois,
Burnett House, Cincinnati, Ohio.

WASHINGTON, June 5, 1856—9½ p. m.

Mr. Buchanan having received a majority of the convention, is, in my opinion, entitled to the nomination. I hope my friends will give effect to the voice of the majority of the party.

S. A. DOUGLAS.

Hon. W. A. RICHARDSON, of Illinois,
Burnett House, Cincinnati, Ohio.

THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL PLATFORM.

In another part of the paper will be found the democratic platform complete, as adopted by the convention on the third day. The Cincinnati Enquirer of last Thursday's issue says:

"The representatives of the democratic party, now assembled in convention in this city, have laid down a most glorious and substantial platform—sound and national in every part. It is clear and explicit in its phraseology, and relates to every question now at issue before the people. Both the general principles of government and the administrative details that are foreshadowed will meet the cordial approbation of the party and the country; for they are based upon and adhere strictly to the constitution. With a boldness, courage, and honesty characteristic of the democratic organization, there is no subterfuge or concealment attempted, but its creed is emblazoned upon its banner and displayed before the people.

"The convention reaffirms the old and time-honored resolutions of the party, laid down in 1840, and adopted at every subsequent convention. They have also incorporated in it a distinct expression of their sentiments in regard to the new issues that have been raised in recent years. Upon the subjects of know-nothingism and slavery, particularly, the sentiments of the party are most admirably and felicitously expressed, and their reading was frequently interrupted in the convention by enthusiastic acclamations. They treat every point in controversy, and give utterance, in the most forcible manner, to the well-understood democratic ideas respecting those exciting topics. They announce the firm determination of the democratic party to maintain inviolate the equal rights of the States, and recognise the equal rights of the citizens, and to frown upon all organizations, secret or open, which make distinctions of birth, creed, or section in their government or policy.

"It is with pride and pleasure that we call the attention of the reader to the noble series of resolutions, referring to domestic affairs, which were adopted by a unanimous vote. Every delegate in the convention, and every State in the Union save New York, (whose contested-election case had not been acted upon,) responded aye to these resolutions. New York will undoubtedly come in aye when her representation is full, and thus complete the list. What a glorious testimonial this to the nationality of the democratic party! No other organization can unite half as many States in favor of its administrative policy. The hearty cheering, and the applause which greeted the adoption of the whole platform, showed that our organization never before was more thoroughly united upon its principles, and never spoke in a more unanimous manner to the country. This unanimity, where the enemy expected division, will have a great effect upon the nation, contrasting, as it does, with the bickerings and troubles of the opposition.

"The democratic representatives from the North, the South, the East, and the West, all fraternize like a band of brothers, and upon their platform the whole Union can stand in confidence that the rights of every section and of all men are equally secured by it. Our principles are now declared, and nothing remains for the convention but to find standard-bearers, whose success will give practical effect to them in the coming canvass. That duty discharged, as it will be in a creditable manner, and we are sure that the nation, with a unanimity unparalleled, will pronounce in our favor, and overwhelm the bigoted sectional factions opposed to us with a well-merited and annihilating defeat."