The New York Herald

(Correspondence of the Herald.)
Washington, Dec. 19, 1844.
Matters as they are—Factions and their Interests—How they are Managing—Tom. Benton—John C. Calhoun—The "Middling Interests"—The Coming Crisis—Smash up—That Combination—The "Seven Cardinal Virtues," &c.

In all human probability, there existeth not the man in this region, whatever be his age, whose memory serveth him sufficiently backward to point to the period when parties and party feeling was in such an interesting position as they are at this present writing in the city of Washington. I perceive that you are no idle observer of the daily progress which is making in the important matters now in agitation here; but being absent from the scene, you cannot be so conversant with the means that are in operation to effect certain measures, as one who is on the spot, and who has access to the thoughts and expressed views of the prominent actors. I purpose to keep you advised of certain movements, from time to time, which shall be interesting and accurate, and if I mislead you or your readers, tell me so at the end.

It is now a "settled fact" that there are at work, with might and main, in Washington, three distinct cliques or factions, each and all of which are moving heaven and earth to carry their own points, personally, and the prime object of each and all of which is to gain the ascendancy and establish themselves (by a sort of political forestalling) in the affections of James K. Polk—"the man who." The first, but by far the weakest of these, is the Benton anti-annexation-clique. The second, and by no means an inconsiderable portion, is the Calhoun-Annexation-Oregon-State-Rights-South Carolina-clique. The third, by odds the most powerful, and that which will eventually swallow up as much of the other two as will serve its purposes, is the clique which is composed of the young democracy of the nation, which is represented by the Northern and Eastern portions of the democratic party proper, and who are acting in conjunction with a generous sprinkling of "original Tyler and Calhoun men," now pure Polk-ites! Such is the material of the three cliques of the party which is soon to be in power.

The bull-necked disposition and policy of Thos. Hart Benton—right or wrong—will never permit him to give way while there exists the shadow to hang a hope upon, and though he must die—he will "die game." If there were nothing else to kill him, politically, his determined and revengeful opposition to the annexation of Texas alone, would furnish his eventual quietus. But he has soared above himself, and though his bitter and ambitious spirit will struggle with, so long as he has an opponent—yet his perseverance cannot avail with the fearful odds which ere now in league against him. It is a matter of universal admission, that immediately upon his late re-election to the Senate, he declared that should Col. Polk go for "immediate annexation," he would make his administration considerably hotter than a certain place "not to be mentioned to ears polite." Assuming this position, at the outset of Mr. Polk's career—he will at once commence the onslaught, ala Botts, and his political fate will, necessarily follow in the footsteps of that illustrious predecessor—for Col. Polk is pledged to immediate annexation, (should not that measure be consummated by the present Congress,) and that pledge Col. Polk will redeem. Thomas Hart Benton will most assuredly find that James K. Polk is not the man to be "headed"—and if he is determined to "head him or die"—the remainder of Tom Benton's political history is briefly told! The objects of this clique seem to savor of little else but retaliation for imagined injuries. For what reason—God only knows—they entertain the impression that the Calhoun and Tyler influences were opposed to the resolution of their idol, (for which, it is said, they may have some foundation, though I doubt it,) and Benton now purposes to pay them off. His acknowledged talent, however unenviable it may be, will give him the position of a powerful antagonist; but be the cause what it may, the line is drawn—the battle must be fought—and, if indications are anything—Thomas H. Benton will surely come out second best in the affray.

The high tone assumed by John C. Calhoun, in this official correspondence, which has so lately transpired, and his naturally lofty and proud spirit, will at once carry conviction to the mind of the impartial observer that he is no mean opponent to contend with—but his letter to Colonel King has lost him friends, and the "chivalrous Southron" will find it a difficult task to maintain the position with the next, that he occupies with the existing administration. South Carolina desires this—but the South, generally, oppose it. The fact that two such men as Benton and Calhoun might thus have the opportunity to quarrel and contend upon their own account—is sufficient in itself to cause the "middle interest," or faction, to work the harder to separate them! Benton is re-elected for six years; Calhoun's term expires on the fourth of March next. The division is made—the issue has arrived. There can be but little doubt that Calhoun will see the policy of abdicating, rather than continue in a position which must necessarily be to him, anything but a bed of roses—while, at the same time, he has in view his chances for the prize in '48. But to this course his friends demur.—Should he retire, many of the prominent Tyler appointments now in existence, and which have been made either by Calhoun's recommendation, or with his advice, will fall with his retirement. The objects of this clique, then, is apparent. Their desire to serve the people, and pocket the affront, overbalance all other considerations, and they would have him remain, by all means, that they may go and do likewise! But to the third clique.

As I remarked to you in my last, or rather my first letter, there is an all-powerful under current at work here, made up from the "middling interests," which is destined to break down the old barrier and party lines of the great democratic-loco-foco party—and which in less than four brief months from the date of this letter—you shall see ride triumphantly over the ruins of these old cliques of "old hunkers." Enlisted in the ranks of this faction, are some of the most prominent and talented men in every section of the land; and amongst whom an active, energetic, and constant correspondence is now being kept up. The object of this last clique is to keep the best strength of the whole party together, and—in continual operation. The leaders of this clique I could name to you, and at a suitable time, I promise it; amongst whom I shall point you to men of integrity, talent, influence, and real worth—men who have at heart the best interests of the whole—men who are not fighting for the spoils alone; but who have assumed this as the only course for the safety of the party, now, and hereafter; and whose policy is moderation, liberality, and toleration. There can be no disguising the fact that the election of Col. Polk proved a matter of agreeable surprise to the democratic party—and no less disguise can be attached to the fact that the "middle interests" did more than all the rest united, towards his elevation to the Presidency. Can it then be doubted that this section of the party will gain and hold the supremacy in the feelings of the President elect?

In view of the ground thus taken, what must be the result? To the observer who is familiar with all this maneuvering, there is but one result apparently possible, and the occurrences of each day confirms the opinion which follows below.

Pending the time which elapsed between the nomination of James K. Polk, at Baltimore, and the withdrawal of President Tyler, (I now speak by the card) certain communications of the highest importance passed between the friends of the former and the friends of the latter—proposals were made, considered, and finally accepted. The "high contracting parties," through those friends, acceded to certain propositions, and it was perfectly well understood that if Mr. Tyler should withdraw, and if Mr. Polk was elected, (the end to be accomplished justifying the means) the friends and supporters of both Mr. Polk and Mr. Tyler, comprising the young democracy, should be looked upon as one and the same, and their claims with the new administration be first in consideration. The movement was consummated—Mr. Tyler withdrew—the young democracy applied themselves with vigor to the work—the verdict of '40 was reversed, and James K. Polk was elected President of the United States. Immediately the result was determined, this portion of the party commenced a more thorough and complete organization, which they have now perfected to that degree which places it beyond the probability of its being arrested, or in any wise overcome. Old hunkerism must, in consequence, be kicked overboard. The crisis is near at hand—a crash amongst the "knowing ones" must ensue—old usages must give way, and the seven cardinal principles of political economy, to wit: five loaves and two fishes, will be guarded by those who need and deserve the honor of caring for them.

Upon matters of more local interest, your regular correspondents keep you advised. I would correct an assertion, however, which I noticed in the New York papers that, the "Hon. Robert Rantoul, jr., was here, in reference to a foreign mission," &c.—This is all moonshine. His business is with the Treasury Department, strictly. He is here to attend to the final adjustment, of his accounts, while Collector of the Port of Boston, and which are nearly audited. He has no idea of any appointment, at present. His chances with the new administration are among the best, however. He is a gentleman of genius and talent, and is a thorough politician. His journeys through Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New York and Ohio, during the late campaign, were not "for nothing, behsureofit." Where he may be called by Mr.