The Recorder

POSTSCRIPT TO THE ABOVE,

THIS letter is the genuine production of a person beyond the Blue Ridge. After leaving out a few hard words, which it would not be advisable to print, the letter is published exactly as it was wrote. It is amusing to contemplate the operations of a plain intelligent mind, which reflects and feels for itself, apart from the bustle of contending factions. Such appears to be our Dutch correspondent.

In answer to his letter, we can assure him that it is our sole and unalterable purpose to tell both sides of the truth. Before the election of Jefferson, this was impossible. The violence of the two parties had come to such a height, that a newspaper on the plan of the Recorder could not then have existed. I went as far as it was possible to go, in telling the faults on both sides. Witness the absolute censure both of McKean and Gallatin, in Sedgwick and Co. as well as in many other

NOTE.

Our correspondent must excuse us for suppressing the remainder of this sentence.]

Vid. Recorder of the 20th of October last.
passages of the same kind. I always considered this as the reason why Madison and Jefferson would be glad to get quit of me, as soon as they could; but, at the same time, I made no scruple of believing that they durst not force me to attack them. They were known to be timid: and I built not upon their generosity, but their prudence. Their characters were mistaken. They fancied that the completeness of their victory placed them beyond the reach of danger; and that they could safely quarrel with a friend. The man who had known them four years ago, as well as they are known at this time, would have been unpardonable for recommending them to the confidence of the people. It was essential, however, for the welfare and peace of this country that the authors of the alien and sedition laws should be driven from the helm. It will not take one tenth part of the trouble to get clear of Jefferson, and Madison, which was required to rout that firm and well compacted phalanx, which had governed America for twelve years.

As for what our correspondent says about the partiality and corruption of newspapers, this is perhaps the only publication of that sort on the continent, which has acquired an extensive circulation without courting the favor or fearing the frowns of either party. With much satisfaction it is perceived that Virginia contains a body of impartial independent citizens, who do not care a shilling for any party farther than what is consistent with the welfare of the country. We were assured that a newspaper upon a plan like ours never could keep upon its legs; that we must either become federal, or antifederal, or we could be nothing. This is a poor account of the state of national press, and of the public mind; but such was the tale told us.

I proceed to the third paragraph of our Dutch letter. As for Sally, there is no doubt that the will finish the business of her admirers completely as the Calcutta pole will put an end to Duane. There can be no question that the republicans must look out for another candidate. Jefferson has already forfeited all confidence, or cordiality with the French government, by the swarm of dirty libels which Mrs. Smith and the rest of his printers have issued against the first consul: Bonaparte complained officially to the Court of England of the freedom taken with his name in parliament. He has since, for the very same reason, expelled English newspapers from France. Let Jefferson's editors persist in railing at him. Whether the censure is just, or otherwise, it was the president's duty to have enjoined silence to his dependents. His neglecting to do so; or rather his encouraging them both to begin, and proceed, affords a very good reason for sending him back to Monticello, to sow cypress and manufacture nails. As for Sally's affair, what our correspondent says is extremely correct. The republicans may degrade themselves; but they can no longer elevate Thomas Jefferson. The second election of a negro keeper would be considered in Europe, as well as in every state of America, as a national and indelible reproach.

The letter goes on to complain of the money taken to illuminate the capitol. Very right; but the people do not, till lately, seem to have suspected that the greater part of their cash is regularly wasted in a manner equally foolish. What do you think of seven hundred dollars a piece to two lawyers for pleading in Beaumarchais's suit against the commonwealth? The gentlemen cannot be blamed for accepting of their fees; if ten times as much had been offered. But the wicked world will persist in believing that if John Guerrant had been to pay the cash from his own pocket, he would have halted at half the sum; and would, after all, have got the cause about as well pleaded as it has been. It is surprising that, in this case, the council forgot to employ the attorney general of the state. You know the immense reputation that he acquired in the affair of the Richmond conspiracy for driving Callender out of the city. You know the judgment, perseverance and success with which the attorney general prosecuted that suit. But perhaps you do not know that to a feeble, stupid prodigal government, such as that of our present executive council, and to all its classes of venality, there is nothing more terrible than a newspaper like the Recorder.

Our Dutchman proceeds to the job of having a public printer. I believe that this is the only state in the union, where any thing of the sort is known. In Pennsylvania, a printer, is engaged at the beginning of a session of assembly to do their work. But there is no extravagant salary annexed to this office. The printer gets from the assembly what he would get from any other set of customers.