Daily National Intelligencer

I have remarked with much satisfaction the tone of moderation which you have adopted in your editorial paragraphs upon a subject which at present seems to mislead the judgment of many of our fellow citizens. I allude to the contest between Spain and her colonies. It cannot be considered surprising that our sympathies should be strongly engaged in favor of a people, who, like ourselves, (as we are told) are prepared to make every sacrifice for the attainment of the blessings of self government. We should indeed be cold and insensible not to take a lively interest in a struggle which we are led to suppose resembles that which, in the memory of many persons now living, we ourselves had with our parent state; we naturally wish it all the success which attended our own case: this is the sentiment which must animate every generous bosom; but it behoves us, in a matter of much importance, to endeavor to form a calm and dispassionate opinion; and if we will be at the pains to enquire, and examine into facts, and the reasonings deducible from them, we shall perhaps discover very few points of resemblance, either in the past, in the present, or in the probable future condition of those countries, with our own.

It will not be risking too much to assert, that the Spanish colonists of South America are quite as remote from us in habits and opinions, as they are in situation: they differ more in their political and moral condition from the people of these once British colonies, than Spaniards do from Englishmen. The religious and political feelings, and of course the views of these very opposite descriptions of persons being widely different, there is the highest degree of probability that, when left free to act for themselves, their line of conduct would in all cases be equally so. The inhabitants of the British colonies had been always accustomed to enjoy free forms of government, and their resistance to the parent state was grounded upon opposition to the first attempt which was made to introduce an arbitrary system of taxation: our revolution was therefore founded upon principle.—The Spanish colonists have been always habituated to arbitrary rule, and their revolt has grown out of circumstances: nothing like principle appears to have actuated them from the origin of their commotions down to the present time.

As our separation from the parent state has been followed by the establishment of a free confederated government, so it is probable that theirs (whenever it shall happen) will be succeeded by the establishment of separate sovereignties of a more or less despotic character. A short sketch of the troubles which have pervaded those countries may serve to illustrate my position.

It was in the year 1810 that the royal family of Spain was decoyed to Bayonne by Bonaparte, who then placed the crown (so unfairly obtained) upon the head of his brother Joseph. Old Spain immediately became the theatre of a most bloody contest for the government, and Spanish America, as was to be expected, experienced the most violent convulsions. "Various hostile juntas, clashing congresses, and rival chiefs started up in every province. Some (and they were the majority) acknowledged Ferdinand (really or nominally); some (very few) were inclined to France. Some were royalists, some republicans; some were for cortes, some for regency, some for confederation and union, and some for separation and distinct dominion. Even within each of the provinces, there was discord and division, they agreed neither with themselves nor with each other. there was no particular, far less any general plan. The country presented an universal and regular anarchy." Such is the general outline of the picture given by a South American, who though favourable to the insurgent cause, makes his statements with apparent candour. It appears from his account that the insurgents fought as much among themselves as against the mother country. This state of confusion has at some points been continued beyond the period of the restoration of Ferdinand the seventh to the throne of Spain, only because that misguided monarch has failed to take wise and prudent measures which would have infallibly restored order and reconciled the provinces to the mother country; for although it is admitted that the colonies have abundant reason for complaint, from the existence of numerous grievances, some of which may be susceptible of redress, but many more of which are inseparable from a state of dependence upon a distant government, yet all these grievances, taken together, are perhaps less intolerable than the continuance of the civil broils which have divided and armed the colonists for their mutual destruction.

It is very difficult to ascertain the precise present state of affairs, in every part of those vast regions. So far as I am able to collect information, the general result appears to be, that although prudent and conciliatory measures have not been adopted in the extent to be desired, yet the insurgent provinces have been almost entirely induced to submit to the royal authorities, with the exception of those of the river Plate. In Mexico little seems to be feared from the enterprise of Mina. The vice royalty of New Grenada (once in open revolt) is entirely subdued and pacified; it is only in some parts of the Captain-generalship of Venezuela, (say in Cumana, in the island of Margaritta, and the neighborhood of the mouths of the Orinoco,) that the insurgents appear to continue in any force. An Indulto or amnesty has been lately proclaimed, and the royalist General Morillo has obtained
some decisive advantages In the same quarter, which will probably lead to the entire subjugation of that part of the Spanish Domain, which continues convulsed, but which never from its population could have been capable alone of assisting the Spanish power. The provinces of the river Plate which have declared their independence appear to acknowledge the authority of a person of the name of Pueyrredon, who has obtained the supreme power by a severe struggle, and has even carried his victorious arms into the neighboring province of Chili, where a certain Barnard O'Higgins has been proclaimed Supreme Director.

Such has been so far the issue of a contest, in which all parties have waged a "guerra a muerte," a war of extermination, giving no quarter, and frequently sparing neither sex nor age; a system of proscription and confiscation has invariably prevailed, which ever way victory has inclined; several hundred thousand lives have been sacrificed, and acts of horror and atrocity have been perpetrated which will leave an everlasting stain on mankind.

What resemblance does any portion of this history bear to that of the origin, progress, and termination of our own revolution? Is it in the proclamations and constitutions promulgated by Miranda in Venezuela? But these proved so little to the taste of the people, that he was quickly denounced and abandoned to the vengeance of Spain. Is it in the form of government, or in the practice adopted by the united provinces of the river Plate, of which we have an illustration under the signature of the redoubtable supreme Director Pueyrredon?

An answer to this question may be drawn from your columns, Messrs. Editors, which have but lately furnished an exposition of the affairs of these provinces, prefaced by a suitable introduction, and attempt to explain one glaring act of despotism which had (so unluckily for these pretended republicans and their friends) come to the knowledge of the North American public. With all the prepossessions of that public in favor of liberty and her votaries it would require better evidence than has been adduced to persuade us that the end would justify the means.

Neither is it, we are to hope, by a well turned compliment to the Chief Magistrate of this union, that he can be induced to regard favorably a cause supported by such measures and to take it under his special care and protection. Fortunately we have in his character ample security that it would require a more potent spell than can be raised by personal flattery, to lead him to recommend a step which might embroil his country with Spain, and perhaps with other powers, for the empty "honor" of the early "recognition" of this pretended republic of the River Plate. If the new state should be able to maintain its independence, (for freedom appears to be out of the question) as there is every prospect at present that it will be capable of doing, unless its own dissentions or the treachery of its leaders should place it again under the yoke of the metropolis, there is nothing to hinder us from enjoying the benefits of trade with its inhabitants, and continuing to receive its flag in our ports as heretofore, until it may be perfectly safe (and useful to us) to acknowledge its independence. But in the name of common sense and prudence, let us abstain from any act which may commit our neutrality, and above all things, let us preserve the sanctity of engagements already contracted.

PHOCION.