Alexandria Gazette, Commercial And Political

The American character.- It has been the misfortune of our country (and an inevitable one) to have our destinies linked too closely with the destinies of Europe. It was to have been expected that when the whole civilized world was in arms--that three thousand miles distance from the theatre of action--that an intervening ocean of that extent would not have been able to wash from the mind all our sympathies for the fate of war: all our habits of commercial adventure, and all the recollection of all the insults, injuries, wrongs, captures, conflagrations for condemnations of one or of the other or of both of the belligerent parties. We say this was to have been expected-- that these evils were inevitable, and we have reason to bless a beneficient creator, that we were not more deeply embroiled in such controversies than we have hitherto been. But the times are now arrived; the civilized world is now in a state of repose, and the European soldiers though clad in the panoply of war, are slumbering in their military habiliments. We may now venture to disentangle ourselves from European politics, without an offence to either of the two great parties, by which the nation has been so long divided. It has been said by the members of the federal party, that the democratic party were endeavouring to drive the nation headlong into the toils of Bonaparte. They said that this monarch was attempting, under the guise of liberty, the subjugation of the civilized world; that he harboured dark and mysterious designs, fraught with mischief to the human race; that he flattered by fair promises, to destroy by force of arms: that our own administration connived at such enormity, and did every thing in their power to extend and to consolidate the tyranny of this man. On the other hand the democratic party have charged the federalists with an overweening partiality for England: that they are willing to succumb to any enormity which was perpetrated by that nation; that they beheld with an eye of indifference the impressment of their own countrymen, while they were all alive to the perpet rations of injuries from France; that no alternative remained for us but to espouse the controversy of one or of the other of these belligerents; that our national independence was implicated in our making a common cause with Bonaparte; that we were reduced to the necessity of fighting England, or surrendering up our national existence without a blow. Without deciding on which side of these important questions, the scales of justice incline; without entering into all those considerations so peculiarly liable to affect the sensibilities of party: it is abundantly sufficient to remark, that the great cause has now subsided. which bound us to the fate of foreign nations. allowing the allegations of either party be true.

If the federal party did honestly believe, that the demolition of Napoleon's power was an event in which the whole civilized world was so deeply interested that demolition has been accomplished. The world is no longer in dread of the overbearing arrogance of France. That nation is now only a secondary power. and it remains problematical. whether she will not even yet be blotted from the roll of independent nations. When, therefore, the federalists state, that they apprehend so much danger from the over bearing influence of France. it is plain that this plea will not avail them now.-- As little have the democratic party to urge in their defence, with regard to any advantages which the United States may reap, by espousing the controversies of Bonaparte. Such an act would embroil us in hostility with all the powers of Europe. We are now at peace, and the whole civilized world is at peace also (if we except the struggle in Spanish America for independence; the accomplishment of which, we pray Heaven, may be speedily effected.)

We make these remarks not for the purpose of criminating the members of either party, but to shew, that the honest, the independent and just, of both parties ought to cordially and sincerely unite. The American ground is now completely open : there is no pretext now for violent foreign attachments or antipathies. We have nothing to fear or to hope. from any foreign nation. France and England are to us the same as if the frightful revolutionary explosion had never been. Americans now have leisure to form a character, purely, distinctly and we trust permanently American. We may cultivate our own resources, invigorate agriculture, commerce and manufactories-- patronise the arts--penetrate still deeper into the waste-howling wilderness, and pour all the blessings of civilized life into the deepest recesses of the forest. Our vast inland seas rendered memorable by the achievements of our naval heroes already begin to whiten with the peaceful wings of commerce. Our native eagle sails serenely over those mighty waters. but carries no thunder in his talons. If a period so auspicious, if the present repose of the world is improved. as it ought to be, is it too much to hope, that a character purely American can be formed of such materials destitute of all foreign attachments or antipathies ? It is an hour of peace, and an hour of cordial union We are now placed on a large and magnificent theatre hereafter to become illustrious in the history of the world.

From the (Washington City) National Intelligencer.

This is no idle speculation. the enterprizing character of our citizens in peace or in war, renders such an event almost certain, whether our countrymen are doomed to reap the harvest of agriculture or of battle.

It is the duty of every patriot to turn the attention of his fellow citizens home. We have gazed on Europe long enough --we have participated so deeply in the struggles of that country, that we have been considered by foreigners as divided into too great classes, known by the name of Englishmen, or of Frenchmen. Never was a fairer opportunity presented, than the present, to teach those haughty foreigners how much they have been mistaken in their estimation of the American character.