The Kentucky Gazette

Friends and Fellow-Citizens,

P. A REAL FRIEND one who wishes you well, for intruding by the following address on your patience; to which he supplicates your serious attention. As it relates to a subject of the first importance, not only to you, but to unborn posterity; I trust you will think with me, that inattention is not only a crime, but that every lawful exertion is a virtue where necessary to ward impending evils. Much has been said by our most enlightened statesmen to prove the expediency of a separation of this district from the state of Virginia; and although its partial conveniency has been clearly demonstrated, yet the political utility of such an institution remains still in obscurity. But my countrymen we are all your friends! Even the great land monopolists are declaring they will sacrifice their own private interest to promote the public good! The civil officers of the present government resident in this district, publicly announce their inclination to low salaries (i.e.) when we get a new state!

Thus my countrymen we are all your friends, we have no sinister views! The monopolists, tell us our liberties and interests will be all coequal: Is this a fact? If in we are safe, if not let forth in a constitutional way and assert your rights. Nature knows no distinction in her own. Is the interest of the Tenant and his Landlord the same? Is there not a decided majority of our inhabitants without even a claim to land in this district? Will the interest of the governed and the governors be in no respect different, notwithstanding the public spirit of our most respectful citizens? Will the expense of two civil lists in the present boundary of Virginia, not be more than one? Will the land and mercantile interest be the same? Has it not been the practice of Spain for three hundred years past to grant her trade by monopolies? Will not the first officers of government be the first favorites of the Spanish rulers? Do we not all see that by the separation as we may exempt uncultivated lands from taxation, although we cannot tax lands of non residents higher than our own, without violating the stipulated terms of separation? But by the cultivation act which we could pass, six years subsequent to our being received into union; it is said, we can increase the population of our country, which I grant; but cannot you plainly see without the spirit of prophecy that this will ultimately rivet the bonds of aristocracy on you? If something big with advantage to a few, who like the vulture can see the carcass at a distance, did not present it, self: would any man or set of men think of braving all forms of political dangers, and precipitate into measures obviously against both the will and the interest of a majority of the people? But am I not going too far? Have not the people in five or six full and free conventions repeatedly determined that it was both expedient and the will of the people, as the phrase is? My countrymen be not mistaken; allow not the stream to degrade the fountain: have you actually declared that you laboured under grievances which you never felt? And because you have not felt those grievances predicted by your representatives will you commit suicide?

Give me leave to cite one of those grievances from that catalogue enumerated by the first convention of 1785, viz. "Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the law debarring any person from keeping more than one gelding or spayed mare, unless possessed with certain other property, is a grievance, because it subjects emigrants moving to this district to unreasonable forfeiture, &c." This and twenty others of like importance were the first bugbears shewn forth to excite you to separate: If then the resolves of preceding conventions are to be received as a criterion for the future conduct of your representatives let us take notice of the resolves and orders of the convention of August 1785; there you will find your petition treated with contempt, not only rejected, but thought unworthy the consideration of your servants. If this conduct becomes a precedent where are you? Will you rest contented under Cromwell's broad mantle; the prayers of your pers? view the journals of that convention. What was the language of the convention in their address to the legislature in their last session: Did they not pray for a revival of the separation act, and that it might be sent to the president to consider of the terms, that they might make application to Congress, &c. in order to prevent anarchy and the evils concomitant: thus were you tacitly charged with an inclination to revolt against the dominion of laws: was there reason for such a calumny? If not was it not the sting you with the rod of tyranny? If now a separation should be agreed on, through your indecision, though it prove ever so oppressive you must hold your peace forever. Thus taken will the bonds of government fall into the hands of those who from the nature of things must and will become the demagogues of their country; it being the duty of Congress to suppress insurrections, this will enable them to rule you with a strong hand, and in case of disobedience to chastise you with the rod of iron. I know the value of the Kentuckians; many are the self evident proofs of their courage, and if men who can dare to the death, who have often attacked their enemy tomahawk in hand, and expelled them from the field, suffer themselves to be thus imposed on: What can I say but cry out with the prophet, my people perish for the lack of knowledge. Therefore up and be doing Instruct your present representatives who are virtuous men, and will do what you wish them if you will make it known in writing. Some of those perpetrators of Cromwell were prudently left out in the last elections. Virginia cannot consistently with her duty, give us such terms as we ought to accept; let us continue under, and support that government which has so long fostered us, and which will still use us with more lenity than we can expect from men prompted by ambition to grasp at power. They tell us we must pay taxes if we do not separate: do they mean by this we need pay none if we do separate? or do they expect to convince us of our duty to pay two shillings to be governed by men we know not, rather than one by men whom we do know, and are bound by gratitude to revere! There can be no liberty without government; nor can there be government without expense; but the expense ought never to exceed the object: What is now the object of new states, places of honor and profit excepted? Congress being clothed with all national powers; states are of course destitute of any; but it is too far to attend by our representatives, the present seat of government to divide our counties, &c. yet 15,000 or 20,000 per annum, is not too much to give to have it done! Thus are we about to create a political anatomy, which like one of Pharaoh's lean kine will dissipate our wealth, and devour our liberties. Who knows where men drunk with the lust of power will stop? But as their argument only amount to this (i.e.) that Virginia will be our friend when separate on the congressional floor; but our enemies in both state and continental legislatures if we continue undivided. She now cannot be much complained of: separate be will become the lamb, but otherwise the tiger: Thus to prevent latent evils it is thought necessary. Thus we are told if we are once in the house, we will furnish it as we please; I do not understand it, but suppose when the people become sworn in idolatry to the state of Kentucky, our great states men will unfold the secret. However, I hope that Congress will guard with equal attention again latent evils by denying to receive us as a member of the union: Should our convention be so unwise as to accede to the measure, which perhaps they may if you do not instruct them to the contrary I confess my countrymen the above are the broken hints and mere gleams of an awkward mechanic, an uncouth and lame politician; but when I take all things into consideration, when I see some of our most dignified characters endeavoring to impress an idea on the minds of the people, that those who wish not to separate from Virginia, really wish to separate from both state and nation: When I reflect on the past conduct of the same characters who published their opinions with their name (but not until the people were at the point of quashing the attempt of a violent separation by force and arms) I cannot help fearing there is treachery at the bottom of the western councils, and that the scheme of separating in a constitutional way is thought by many a favorite intermediate step toward a second building. Therefore in order to prevent a prohibition of the division of the soil, a monopoly of the Spanish trade, the first parents of pride and arrogance and the probable source of ecclesiastical establishment, with all the evils concomitant. I do recommend the following instructions, viz.

county and the source of your powers to act as our representatives in convention, under an act intituled, "an act concerning the erection of the district of Kentucky into an independent state:" Do hereby, in order to convince you of our will respecting the greater, instruct you in pointed terms, to use your utmost endeavours to prevent a separation, and in case a resolve should pass in favour thereof, to enter your protests respectively.

A REAL FRIEND to THE PEOPLE.