The Delaware Abolitionist

PLAN OF EMANCIPATION.

The question is proposed to us continually, orally and by letter, what plan of Emancipation do you mean to advocate in the Examiner?

We rejoice at the frequency and earnestness with which this inquiry is made. It is an indication that one great result which we have aimed to produce, is in a great degree accomplished. The public mind is at once aroused: the importance of the subject of Emancipation is acknowledged, and the determination of discussing it thoroughly, and with a view to definite action, is privately and publicly avowed.

Whether we have been instrumental in producing this result, we cannot say. We hope we have had some agency, however humble it may have been. But whether we have been instrumental or not, the result is reached, and we rejoice, and all friends of their country, and of humanity, have reason to rejoice with us.

When once the conviction of the necessity of action on a subject of vast importance has become deep seated and general, the day of action cannot be far distant.

We wish now to utter a few thoughts to the friends, who have proposed the question at the head of this article.

We have purposely refrained heretofore, from advocating any particular plan of Emancipation in our editorial columns. We have been firmly of the opinion, that the first, the all-important thing was to draw attention to the subject of Emancipation; to awaken the public mind to a sense of the necessity, the practicability, and the duty of action. We have felt, as strongly as any of our readers, the importance of having some plan presented, which would commend itself to the friends of the cause, and enlist their united and whole-souled energies in its behalf. We have earnestly desired the arrival of the time when such a plan could be profitably presented. That time, we believe, has, nearly, if not quite, come. The friends of Emancipation, should, without delay, determine on the course to be pursued in order to the fulfilment of their cherished wishes.

To accomplish this end, it is proposed that a meeting of the friends of the cause from all parts of the State be held very soon after the Presidential election. The place has not been decided upon. That is immaterial. Let it be at Frankfort, Louisville, or at whatever point may be most generally convenient, and as early in November as practicable. Whatever place and time may be agreed on, then and there let us meet. Let us have a full representation, and let all come with minds wide awake, and hearts all alive. Let us meet for full and free interchange of thought. Let every one be ready to present the plan which has occurred to him as wisest, most humane and best, and let every one be prepared to listen with interest and respect to the suggestions of every other mind. After a free interchange of thought and thorough discussion of the various plans proposed, we doubt not that one will be agreed upon, which will be found feasible and just; which will win the approval of the friends, and command the respect, of the enemies of Emancipation.

We do not wish to forestall action, nor to prejudice the minds of our readers. We, therefore, shall not now propose a plan, but will content ourselves with pointing out some of the features which should characterise any plan which aims to secure a hearty and general adoption.

1st.—Such a plan must rest for its foundation upon the conviction that slavery is an evil and a wrong, an evil to the whites, a wrong to the blacks, and that its removal, therefore, is demanded alike by right and expediency, by principle and policy.

2d.—Such a plan must consult the welfare both of the white and black population.

If you propose a scheme which has reference only to the interest and convenience of the whites, and cares not for the welfare of the blacks, you alienate some of the truest friends of the slave. There are those, many we believe, among slave-holders, who have received slaves by inheritance, who have grown up with them from childhood, under the shelter of the same roof and in the exercise of an affection made tender and strong by early associations and life-long intimacy, who would turn with aversion from any plan of emancipation which overlooked the well-being of the blacks, even though convinced that such a plan would promote their own convenience and increase their own wealth.

On the other hand, if you propose a plan which provides for the welfare of the blacks, without reference to the interest of the whites, you not only alienate a large class, now favorable to emancipation, but you drive that class into open and bitter enmity.

The plan, which would meet with general approval, must provide for the comfort and happiness, not of the whites alone, nor the blacks alone, but of whites and blacks, of all classes and ages. Nor should it content itself with providing for physical and economical interests: it should aim to promote, as far as possible, the moral, intellectual and religious well-being of all. In short, it should be a plan which commends itself to conscience, self-interest and affection; which enlists in its favor religion, humanity and common sense.—Louisville Examiner.