The Morning Herald

DEMOCRACY BLAZING IN BALTIMORE CITY LAST EVENING.

Mass Meeting—Speeches by Hons. Reverdy Johnson, John Lee Carroll, T. F. Bayard and Others—Forcible Speeches—The Potato Bug Party Denounced as Know Nothing—Mr. Bayard on Finance.

(Special Dispatch to the Herald.)

BALTIMORE, Sept. 17, 1875.

Pursuant to the adjournment of Wednesday night, the Democracy of Baltimore met en masse, in Monument Square, last evening, with Hon. Reverdy Johnson as President, supported by some eight hundred vice presidents. The speakers' stand was sufficiently large to accommodate a greater part of these, among whom were the leading citizens of Baltimore. Several of the various political organizations of the different wards marched into the Square, headed by bands of music with illuminated transparencies. At eight o'clock, Hon. Reverdy Johnson, raising his voice that he might be heard by the immense crowd, opened the meeting with a lengthy and able speech.

Mr. Johnson said,

Fellow Citizens:

Before submitting the resolutions which it is proposed you shall consider, or introducing to you the gentlemen who are to address you, I beg your permission to trespass upon your time for a brief period with some remarks of my own. The elections, municipal and State, which are the immediate subjects of your attention, are intrinsically important, and are additionally so by the bearing they will have upon the next Presidential election.

In relation to the municipal election, I do not understand that any objection has been made or can be made to the Democratic candidate for the Mayoralty, Ferdinand C. Latrobe. His capacity, his perfect integrity, his interest in the city, are ample guarantees that, if elected, he will discharge the duties of the office ably and faithfully. Nor do I understand that any objection has been made or can be made to your candidates for the offices of Governor, Attorney-General, or Comptroller. No one who knows them can doubt the ability of John Lee Carroll, Charles J. M. Gwinn, or Levin Woolford.

What then are the grounds of the opposition to these candidates?

Mr. Johnson then took up the points of objection urged by their enemies, and in a clear logical manner proceeded to show their utter falsity. He defined the word "Ring," now grown so common, and maintained that by a misapplication of meaning only could the organization that supports Mr. Latrobe be called "a ring." In regard to the particular objection to Mr. Carroll for the chief office that the State of Maryland can bestow, viz: that he is a Roman Catholic. Mr. Johnson said what is the religious faith whose followers some would consign to political servitude? It is the religion of Jesus. Every Roman Catholic believes in it as firmly as any one belonging to other religious sects. They have a different mode of worship. So have other sects. But the essentials of faith are common to all. They believe in the Divinity of Jesus, in the Trinity and in the Atonement. What is the most reasonable mode of worship men may and do differ about, but all Christians believe in these essentials of the faith. Have Catholics ever failed to be good citizens? All the duties of life, public and private, they discharge as fully as all other Christians.

Bringing several historical examples of the exclusion of Roman Catholics from their rightful representation he continued:

I should think that the American aware of them, when proposing to exclude the Catholic from political office because of his religion, would blush scarlet from very shame.

Under the third division the debt of the city was discussed at some length; figures cited, and an honest declaration of regret made, that in a few cases there had been some petty mal-administrations. In conclusion he said, it seems to me to be most extraordinary that any reflecting man should fail to perceive that a continuance in power of the present dominant party is not only pregnant with danger to our material interests, but to the very forms of Government under which, for so many years we have lived in prosperity and peace.

Do, then, as I am sure you will, roll up such majorities for your candidates as was recently done by your Democratic associates in California for theirs, thus carrying dismay and assuring a signal defeat to the present dominant party and satisfying the good men of all parties that our institutions will be preserved from further encroachment, and enlightened liberty maintained.

THE RESOLUTIONS.

Resolved, That while we recognize the integrity and sincerity of many of our fellow-citizens who have been induced to lend the sanction of their names to the proceedings taken at various meetings in this city in opposition to the nominations of the Democratic-Conservative party of the State of Maryland and of the city of Baltimore, we cannot approve of the course which they have pursued, and we express the strong hope that those who have been induced to enter temporarily even into such associations will reunite cordially with us in keeping the State of Maryland foremost among those States whose electoral vote can be relied upon in the next Presidential contest to drive the Republican party from power.

The people of Maryland will never place any confidence in a cry of reform which proceeds from a party whose uncontrolled rule in the Southern States has been everywhere characterized by fraud, aggression and insolence, and whose administration of the National Government has been marked by misrule, corruption and tyranny; but will, on the contrary, believe that such outcry is raised only to bring about dissensions in the ranks of the Democratic-Conservative party, with the hope of securing to its real adversaries that share in the legislation and government of the State which they would not otherwise be able to obtain.

Resolved, That the people of the State will discover for themselves in the character and organization of this meeting that we have the power, within ourselves to control and direct the councils of the Democratic-Conservative party in the city of Baltimore, and we will maintain its integrity, power and influence, and will make all these instruments to promote the good order and prosperity of this community and of the people of the whole State: that we have full and perfect confidence in the purpose and ability of the Democratic-Conservative party to inaugurate and give full effect to every needed reform: and that we do now cordially invite our fellow-citizens of that party in all the counties of the State to emulate our zeal and fidelity, and to aid us in our earnest determination to prevent this State from falling under the control of any organization which relies upon the Republican party for its principal support.

Resolved, That we invite the workingmen of this city and State, who are not already in our ranks, to join with us in the great work we are about to accomplish. They see around them the evidence of a depressed trade and of a disordered currency, and are suffering from want of employment and from the increased price of the necessaries of life. These evils have their origin in the extravagant expenditure and financial errors of the National Republican party now in power. The reform which we shall inaugurate in this city and State will be of little avail unless we are able to do the greater work of reforming the legislation of Congress and the administration of the Government at Washington. These two great tasks are inseparably connected, and we rely upon the courage, intelligence and patriotism of the workingmen of the State to place Maryland in the foremost rank of those States whose high destiny it will be to work out the great National reform needed in the Government of our common country.
THE GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATE.

The second speaker, Hon. John Lee Carroll, was then introduced and spoke in substance as follows: He said he was profoundly grateful to the people of the State for the distinguished mark of confidence. He disclaimed from the first all personal reference, and dealt with the important issues of the campaign. He spoke of the movements of the secret party, alluding to the peculiar tactics of the common enemy. The principles of the Democratic party were considered and contrasted with the policy of the opponents. The issues of the Presidential campaign were introduced towards the conclusion of his address, Mr. Carroll saying if I read rightly the temper of the people and the times, the keynote of the coming campaign is to be reform in the General Government; judicious exercise of economy in the expenditure of the people's money, so that labor may be lightened and taxes rendered less oppressive; a return to honest men in the appointments of the Executive; retrenchment in every Department of the Government, so that the enormous taxes which we pay may be applied to proper purposes, and the intelligence of the country will soon declare that we have placed ourselves upon the surest and the safest road toward the resumption of specie payments.

He asked if any Democrat could refuse to lend his helping hand for reform, appealing to his hearers to remember that the attempt has been made to sow dissension in our ranks; be, therefore, not fair-weather Democrats, who only sail when seas are smooth, but be of sterner stuff, and realize the saying of the greatest of English poets:

"In the reproof of chance, lies the true proof of men; and even so, doth valor show, and valor's worth divide, mid storms of fortune."

Senator Bayard's Speech.

Senator Bayard arose and was greeted with loud applause. He was introduced by Hon. Reverdy Johnson and said:

My fellow countrymen, citizens of Maryland:—When the gentleman who has just presented me said that the broad issue was the question of the existence of States and their power to maintain themselves against aggressions and unlawful invasions of federal executive, this was my full justification for coming here to-night. My response to the invitation of your committee, mingles my voice in your State canvass. The fate of each State may be the fate of all, and when last winter I saw the State of Louisiana crushed, trampled under foot, and the right of self government utterly overthrown, and the State bound helpless at the feet of insolent soldiery, and even worse than that, saw such action approved by almost unanimous vote of the dominant majority in the United States Senate after a deliberate debate and full knowledge of the facts. I felt then there was no issue comparable in importance before the American people, so necessary to be decided and settled in accordance with the form and genius of the constitution under which we decided to continue to be a free people.

The fate and very form of the Government we love trembled in the balance for the last few weeks of Congress. If this government be dear to the people of the country, and if they propose to make the Centennial Celebration an occasion of earnest congratulation and not a mere mockery; the issue raised by the administration in the case of Louisiana must be accepted and received in favor of the Constitutional Liberty by the people of every other State. He must be rebuked or our federal form of government must go down. Now, if the facts I have stated, and the issue raised does not bring into the ranks the party who opposed the President in his lawless course, it is because all patriots and law-abiding men do not choose to recognize the truth as it exists, or will fully and blindly prefer love of party to love of country. I came to-night merely to congratulate you upon the action of your State Committee. If I had known that John Lee Carroll was well worthy of your choice and of the high honors you propose for him, I should not have been here to pay this tribute of respect to you and him.

I will ask you now to join with me for a moment, in considering the condition to which our country has been brought, under the rule of those who have had unchecked power in every branch for the past ten years. For ten long years of professed peace this party now in power have had uncontrolled sway of almost every State government and all branches of federal government, purse and sword, and power to use both have been theirs, and unsparingly have all been used. What is the result? Do we not witness a wide-spread financial depression? a stagnation of almost every branch of industry and prevalence of vague, yet strong appropriations which subjects all action of enterprise and before which capital with characteristic timidity flies trembling into its secret places. There is a marked want confidence in the present and gloomy distrust of the future. The fictitious prosperity so loudly vaunted a year or two ago by radical orators and presses, has suddenly vanished, and wails of despair come up from their foolish believers on every side. The great fortunes gathered in the boat, and from the spoils of war and rum by unjust taxation from a suffering people has been lost and their wrecks line the shore on either side. The cause of the depression we witness are not to be remedied in a day nor a year nor perhaps until another generation has risen to fill our places. The great fact exists and should at once be recognized, that this country is fully poor. I have seen lately, from an able and experienced source, the statement that the waste of war, the destruction of property, the loss of industry, the mere productive value of human lives expended, have subtracted for the people of the United States, the terrible sum of twelve thousand millions of dollars, all or perhaps more than the accumulation of three-quarters of a century of care and labor. This great sum was the fruit of generations of laboring men by hard work. It came and by the same process alone can it be restored. Let us like true men as were our ancestors brace ourselves for this long task of restoration, and in order to pursue our path hopefully let us gather all lessons of experience, and practice a wise economy. We need all that wisdom and honesty in legislation and administration can do to aid our people in their task. This is the condition of affairs now presented, and from these results may we not justly hold the party in power responsible.

It is no wonder that with their dishonesty and want of scruples our political opponents now abandon the issues under which they have so long deceived the people and kept the truth concealed, and by shifting their ground now seek to escape from the just consequences of their abuse of popular confidence, and in the present canvass we find them as usual resorting to the lower and baser passions of human nature hoping to centre new excitement and confusion amid which they may escape themselves. We behold the disgraceful resort of which appeals to sectional bitterness, and the wretched spectre of long buried Know nothingism raising its ghostly front in this canvass. What honest American citizen can be found who will declare, that in this country religious intolerance can't be justified as a political issue? What man living under a charter of government, where fundamental law openly proclaims that no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under its authority? What American reverencing the name and character of George Washington signed immediately under these words of prohibition can feel himself gratified in joining a party that disregards them as a man. He sins against right and justice as a citizen he is false to government and country. Of all places on God's earth that the State of Maryland should be chosen for such an attempt here on the soil of the province of which George Calvert was the first proprietor, where nearly four hundred and fifty years he proclaimed and insisted upon the right of all men to be eligible for office without question as to their religion fails of men who were sought to be assailed and proscribed that the great grandson of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, son of a man who has added honor to an honored name, should now be excluded from office because he is guilty of the offense of worshipping Almighty God at some christian altar as did his patriot ancestor. There is too much honesty and feeling in the American people to permit such infamous attempts to be successful, and sure am I that hundreds, nay thousands of Marylanders, who love civil and religious liberty, will join our party in administering a hearty rebuke to such a proposition whose originators will be buried so deep, by a popular verdict that they will know no political resurrection, in this generation at least. I have referred to this issue with mortification that it should have a place in American politics. I have only met the issue because our opponents have chosen to make it. I propose now, and at all times, whether backed by the few or many to shield the principal of religious liberty as our fathers established them in our written constitution.

I have spoken of the prostration of all business interests in the country. I have stated that the road to recover is that which has been lost and squandered under the rule of the party in power, and would be rugged and hard to travel, and I want in this connection to say one word to you in regard to the present currency of our country. The currency of the people, for there is not use in constant industry if it is to be cheated of its just reward, is not a standard staple measure of value for a day's labor or for any business transaction, however large or small? A moments consideration will show the absolute necessity in all honest and steady dealing to have a standard of value just as much as a standard of weights and measures for commodities bought and sold. Let us see what power was given to our rulers to deal with this subject for we Democrats have an easy test for the rightfulness of any measure by seeing whether it is warranted by the Constitution of the United States.

All the power given to Congress on this subject, is to coin money and to regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and it to fix a standard of weights and measures. The meaning of the word to coin, whether that of Lexicographers or the common dealings of mankind is to stamp metal into money and coin is stamped metal to be used as money and such money by the constitution must be valuable in itself for Congress is directed to regulate the value thereof, now the value you see must exist in the money itself or it could not be regulated a paper money which cannot be coined, is simply a money of credit, and who shall regulate a money of credit? Who can regulate their hopes and fears that elevate and depress credit? A power in Congress to recollect the weather, could as well be executed, and the famous Pope's Bull against the comet would be just as useful. Observe, too, that in giving the power to Congress to coin money, it is immediately connected with the power and duty to fix a standard of weights and measures. In fact, these powers and duties must necessarily be exercised together. Is it politic or just in Congress to omit or forsake its duty in fixing a standard of value for the money of the people. Just as much as for the weights and measures of the commodities they buy and sell? Why should not a dealer justly reply to your complaint of his short weight or measure, that your money was equally short in value? Why should one offense be punished more than the other. Is not the false and fluctuating measure of money value just as dangerous and destructive to fair dealing between man and man as the short measure and light weight? Insist therefore upon having this standard of value restored to you demands of any party in the name of the Constitution of your party, this measure of value shall be restored. Point out to any Senator or member of Congress his oath to support the Constitution of the United States and bid him keep it. Let your text be, support from this time until your demands are acceded to. If not granted in your day teach it to your children, If our forefathers they needed it in 1776 how much more do we in 1876 see its importance.

Mr. Bayard continued for some length urging a return to sound Democratic doctrines of standard value—which he said is gold.